\      \   A 

\& 


REESE  LIBRARY 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 


</7 


a       . 

Accession  No.  ~ 


85289 


,  igo     . 
Clots  No.     7.5] 


•H 


,/T 


LUCIAN 

THE     SYRIAN     SATIRIST 


LUCIAN 


THE     SYRIAN     SATIEIST 


BY 

LIEUT.- COL.  HENRY  W.  L.  HIME 

(late)  Royal  Artillery 


LONGMANS,     GKEEN,    AND    CO, 

39    PATERNOSTEE    BOW,    LONDON 

NEW   YORK    AND    BOMBAY 

1900 

All    rights    reserved 


CONTENTS 


I.     LIFE   OF   LUCIAN 

II.    CLASSIFICATION  OF  LUCIAN'S  WORKS         .        ..18 

III.  THE   LIMITS   OF   SATIRE 19 

IV.  LUCIAN'S   PHILOSOPHY   AND   RELIGION        .        .     .  24 
V.     CHARACTERISTICS 45 

APPENDIX 

LUCIAN'S   KNOWLEDGE    OF  LATIN  Ul 


L.UCIAN 

*.• 

I 

LIFE   OF  LUCIAN 

LUCIAN  was  born  at  Samosata  on  the  Euphrates 
between  120  and  130 — say  for  brevity,  125  A.D. 
He  died  in  Egypt,  where  he  held  a  government 
appointment,  some  time  after  180  A.D. 

On  leaving  school  about  140  A.D.  he  was 
bound  in  apprenticeship  to  his  maternal  uncle,  a 
sculptor  or  maker  of  images  ;  but  on  receiving 
a  beating  for  breaking  a  model,  he  left  him  and 
returned  to  his  parents.  He  was  evidently  not 
made  of  the  stuff  that  artists  are  made  of.  A 
beating  would  not  have  driven  Eafael  from  his 
canvas,  Mozart  from  his  piano,  or  Thorwaldsen 
from  his  marble.  Yet  Lucian  had  a  strong  sense 
of  the  Beautiful.  There  are  many  passages  in 
his  works  which  show  his  cultured  taste  for 
sculpture  and  painting,  and  no  one  could  have 

B 


to 

NK  Vn 


2  LIFE    OF    LUCIAN 

drawn  the  picture  of  the  sleeping  Endymion 
('  Venus  and  Luna/  Deor.  Dial.  xi.  2)  or 
written  the  beautiful  Idyll  on  the  Abduction  of 
Europa  ('  Zephyrus  and  Notus/  Dial.  Mar.  xv. 
2,  3)  without  having  a  truly  artistic  imagina- 
tion.1 The  course  he  took,  however,  was  the 
natural  one :  a  beating  always  puts  an  Asiatic 
to  flight.  Further,  an  artist  combines  in 
himself  aesthetic  and  constructive  faculties, 
and  Lucian  may  have  been  wanting  in  the 
latter. 

Adrift  in  the  world,  what  calling  was  he  to 
adopt  ? 

Art  he  had  abandoned  ;  commerce  he  seems 
to  have  scorned ; 2  and  nothing  was  left  but  to 
turn  rhetorician  or  philosopher. 

The  education  necessary  for  the  profession 
of  philosophy  entailed  some  study  of  dry, 
scientific  subjects  against  which  his  purely 
literary  nature  revolted,  and  quiet,  continuous 
thought  of  which  his  restless  and  shallow  mind 
was  incapable.  On  the  other  hand,  there  was 
a  brilliancy  and  glitter  about  rhetoric  that 
naturally  attracted  the  admiration  of  an  Asiatic, 

1  On  this  subject  see  Bliimner's  Archceol.  Studien  zu  Lucian, 
Breslau,  1867,  and  Croiset's  Essai  sur  la   vie  et  les  oeuvres  de 
Lucicm,  Paris,  1882,  chapter  ix. 

2  Toxaris,  4. 


LIFE    OF    LUGIAN  3 

and  his  oriental  imagination  revelled  in  dreams 
of  the  figure  he  might  cut  and  the  fortune  he 
might  reap.  The  education,  too,  requisite  for  a 
rhetorician  was  just  the  one  that  suited  the 
tastes  of  a  young  Syrian,  with  a  strong  literary 
bias,  who  had  been  suddenly  left  to  his  own 
devices ;  for  all  that  was  needful  (beyond  prac- 
tical instruction)  was  a  comparatively  light 
course  of  reading  in  oratory,  history  and  imagi- 
native literature,  with  a  smattering  of  law.  At 
all  events,  after  some  hesitation1  he  rejected 
philosophy,  and  in  order  to  obtain  the  necessary 
instruction  in  rhetoric,  he  made  his  way  into 
Ionia  which  was  at  that  time  as  it  were  a  Palace 
of  Art  and  Eloquence.2 

The  period  in  which  Lucian  lived  may  be 
called  the  age  of  rhetoricians  :  there  was  a  craze 
for  rhetoricians  : — 

E'en  Thul6,  blessings  on  her !  seems  to  say 
She'll  hire  a  rhetorician,  cost  what  may.3 

Yet  perhaps  at  no  other  period  of  history  has 
the  noble  art  of  rhetoric  fallen  to  a  lower  depth 


1  Fancifully  described  in  his  Somnium. 

2  TTUO-TJS  rfjs  'lom'us  olov  Movcrctov  7rcTro\io-fj.ci>r)s :  Philostratus,  Vit* 
Soph.  ii.  21,  3,  ed.  Kayser. 

3  Juvenal,  xv.  112. 


4  LIFE    OF    LUCIAN 

of  degradation.1  The  most  necessary  quality 
for  success,  says  Lucian's  typical  rhetorician,  l  is 
ignorance,  coupled  with  impudence,  boldness  and 
effrontery.  Leave  modesty,  equity  and  blushes 
at  home.'2  All  was  hollow  and  artificial;  the 
merits  of  the  question  argued  were  nothing ;  the 
phraseology  and  theatrical  delivery  were  every- 
thing. Such  subjects  as  the  following  were 
set  for  public  declamations  : — a  man  had  three 
sons,  and  when  he  died  it  was  found  that  he 
had  divided  his  property  into  four  shares,  and 
directed  that  each  son  should  have  one  share. 
To  whom  did  the  fourth  share  belong  ?  3  The 
rhetorician's  duty  was  to  talk,  to  utter  the 
longest  possible  string  of  sonorous  words  and 
elaborate  phrases.  i  Talk  without  ceasing,'  says 
Lucian's  rhetorician.  c  Say  at  haphazard  what- 
ever occurs  to  you.  .  .  .  But,  of  all  things,  do 
not  hesitate — talk  on  and  on.4  ...  If  the 
audience  are  cold,  grow  indignant  and  abuse 
them.  .  .  .  And  never  omit  to  have  a  body  of 
friends  at  hand  to  applaud  you.' 5  Such 
passages  remind  us  of  the  parting  advice  given 

1  Lucian  alludes  to  this  fact  in  Bis  Accus.  31. 

2  Ehet.  Precept.  15. 

3  Prof.  J.  B.  Bury's  Hist.  Bom.  Emp.  27  B.C.  to  180  A.D.,  p.  573. 

4  n\f)v  dXX'  cVetye  KOI  avveipe  KOI  JJ.TJ  <rio)7ra  p.6vov.     Hhet.  Pre- 
cept. 18. 

5  Ib.  15,  19,  21 ;  perhaps  the  earliest  mention  of  the  claque. 


LIFE    OF    LUCIAN  5 

by  the  eloquent  Arab  beggar,  Aboo  Zaid,  to  his 
son  who  followed  his  father's  calling  : — 

Let  alertness  be  thy  garb,  adroitness  thy  lamp,  audacity 
thine  armour. 

The  bold  will  prosper,  the  timid  fail. 

Then  sally  forth,  my  son,  as  early  as  the  raven, 

With  the  vigour  of  a  falcon, *and  the  craftiness  of  a  fox, 

And  persuade  by  the  glozing  of  the  tongue, 
And  deceive  by  the  magic  of  eloquence.1 

From  the  absence  in  his  works  of  any  allusion 
to  his  teachers,  and  from  the  fact  that  he  was 
poor,  we  may  infer  that  Lucian  was  more  or  less 
self-educated.  It  is  unnecessary  to  dwell  upon 
the  knowledge  he  displays  of  the  Greek  orators 
and  poets  (especially  Homer)  in  almost  every 
page  of  his  works.  Whether  he  had  any 
acquaintance  with  Latin  literature  is  a  very 
obscure  point.  He  certainly  knew  a  little  Latin, 
for  on  one  occasion  he  was  able  to  narrate  the 
legend  of  Phaethon  to  boatmen  who  were  rowing 
him  up  the  Tiber.2  The  supposition  that  a  man 


1  Makamat  of  Al  Hariri  of  Busra,  translated  by  Preston, 
pp.  436,,438. 

2  Kayo)    rov    p.v6ov    8trjyovfirjv    avroiy,    3>af0ovra    ycveo-Gai    'HXtou 

TralSa  K.  r.  X.,  De  Electro,  2.   He  also  refers  to  his  slight  knowledge 
of  Latin,  De  Lapsu,  13. 


6  LIFE    OF    LUCIAN 

of  quick  apprehension  and  thoroughly  literary 
tastes,  who  possessed  any  knowledge  of  Latin  at 
all,  should  have  spent  years  in  Italy  and  Gaul 
without  making  some  attempt  to  acquaint  him- 
self with  the  great  Latin  writers,  cannot  be 
entertained  for  a  moment.  Even  if  his  know- 
ledge of  Latin  was  very  slight,  his  Eoman 
literary  friends  must  surely  have  explained  to 
him  from  time  to  time  great  passages  of  the 
Latin  poets,  in  much  the  same  way  that 
Crabb  Kobinson  expounded  Byron's  *  Vision  of 
Judgment '  to  the  aged  Goethe.1  Why,  then, 
it  may  be  asked,  has  he  never  directly  referred" 
to  them  ?  First,  probably,  because  he  disliked^ 
Eome  and  the  Eomans.2  He  identified  himself 
with  the  Greeks,  and  doubtless  shared  in  their 
jealousy  of  their  masters.  Secondly,  in  writing 
he  had  his  eye  chiefly  upon  his  Greek,  not  his 
Latin,  readers.  The  former  had  no  difficulty  in 
appreciating  his  Greek  quotations,  but  Latin 
quotations  would  have  been  unintelligible  to 
most  of  them.  But  though  he  never  mentions 
Latin  writers  by  name,  he  seems  to  me  to  have 
more  than  once  silently  appropriated  thoughts 
and  phrases  from  Eoman  authors,  just  as  he 

1  Diary,  etc.,  ii.  436. 

2  Nigrinus  and  De  Merced.  Conduct.,  passim. 


LIFE    OF    LUCIAN  7 

frequently  borrows  from  Greek  poets  without 
acknowledging  his  debt.1 

Lucian  was  well  read  in  the  Greek  historians, 
especially  Herodotus;  but  he  regarded  history 
exclusively  from  the  literary  point  of  view.  Of 
the  concatenation  of  events  and  the  evolution  of 
society  he  had  no  notion.  It  would  be  absurd, 
to  censure  him  for  not  Seeing  history  as  Vico, 
Montesquieu  or  Buckle  saw  it ;  but  he  failed  to 
rise  to  the  point  of  view  of  Herodotus  or  Thucy- 
dides,  who  lived  centuries  before  him.  He  was 
unable  to  divest  himself  of  the  modes  of  thought 
of  his  race.  Asia  has  produced  many  good 
chroniclers,  but  no  great  historian. 

In  his  tract  '  How  History  should  be  written,' 
he  explains  his  views  upon  the  subject  pleasantly 
and  at  considerable  length.  The  historian,  he 
says,  should  possess  political  intelligence2  (a 
phrase  he  does  not  explain),  the  power  of  ex- 
pressing himself,  and  an  open  mind.  The  style 
should  be  clear,  simple,  &c.  As  to  composition, 
the  truth  of  the  various  statements  should  be 
established  first;  the  facts  should  then  be 

1  The  question  of  Lucian's  knowledge  of  Latin  is  raised  in 
Rigault's  Luc.  Samosat.  quce  fuerit,  etc.,  Paris,  1856,  p.  79  ff. 
C.  F.  Eanke,  overlooking  De  Electrt),  2,  says  it  has  not  been  proved 
that  Lucian  knew  Latin ;  Pollux  et  Lucianus,  p.  28.  The 
question  is  discussed  in  the  Appendix  of  this  book. 
r) :  Quom.  Hist.  Conscrib.  34. 


8  LIFE    OF    LUCIAN 

marshalled  in  order  ;  and  finally  they  should  be 
welded  together  into  a  history.  Throughout  the 
whole  tract  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  he 
had  any  notion  of  the  causation  in  history  which 
Thucydides  certainly  recognised.1  He  admits 
that  Thucydides  was  truthful,2  but  he  does  not 
seem  to  have  realised  that  '  there  is  hardly  a 
problem  in  the  science  of  government  which  the 
statesman  will  not  find,  if  not  solved,  at  any 
rate  handled,  in  the  pages  of  the  universal 
master.'  3 

While  Lucian  is  captivated  by  the  beauty  of 
Herodotus'  style  and  the  charm  of  his  narrative, 
and  can  ridicule  his  credulity  and  blunders,4 
he  is  silent  about  the  excellent  judgment 
Herodotus  frequently  shows,  notwithstanding 
his  imperfect  information  ;  he  ignores  his  bound- 
less curiosity,  a  quality  absolutely  necessary  to 
a  historian  ;  and  he  is  blind  to  his  perception  of 
the  concatenation  of  events. 

Lucian  failed  to  master  the  first  principles  of 
geometry  and  science  as  completely  as  he  failed 


fj.ev  KOL  del  (a6[j.€va  eats  av  f)  avrf)  (frixris  civ6pa)TTQ>v  ?/, 
/uaXXoi/  fie  /cat  fjav^aLTepa  KOI  rots  ftfictrt  StqAAay/ieVa,  a>s  av  cxacrrai  at 
/uera/SoAai  ra>i>  £vvTv%i£)V  €(pi(TTa)VTai  '.  ill.  82. 

2  Quom.  Hist.  Conscrib.  39,  42. 

3  *  The  Historians  of  Athens  '  (in  Hist.  Essays),  by  E.  A.  Free- 
man, 95. 

4  He  consigns  Herodotus  to  Tartarus  for  lying:  Ver.  Hist.  ii.  31. 


LIFE    OF    LUCIAN  9 

to  grasp  the  idea  of  law  in  history.  He  jeers  at 
the  points  without  parts  and  lines  without 
breadth  of  geometry ; l  ridicules  the  belief  that 
the  sun  is  a  flaming  mass  ;  and  derides  the 
attempt  to  measure  the  distances  of  the  heavenly 
bodies.  l  Fellows/  he  says,  l  who  don't  know 
the  number  of  miles  between  Athens  and  Megara 
can  tell  you  the  number  of  yards  between  the 
sun  and  moon,  the  height  of  the  atmosphere, 
the  depth  of  the  sea,  &c.' 2  Such  jests  might 
pass  unnoticed  had  they  been  thrown  off  in  some 
outlandish  place  during  a  period  of  gross  igno- 
rance. But  they  were  written  in  Greece  by  a 
man  who  lived  250  years  after  Hipparchus,  and 
who  was  a  contemporary  of  Claudius  Ptolema3us 
whose  work  on  astronomy,  the  '  Great  Syntaxis,' 
<  contains  the  germs  of  most  of  the  methods  in 
use  at  the  present  day.' B 

At  twenty-five  years  of  age4  (about  150  A.D.), 
he  began  to  practise  as  a  rhetorician  in  Ionia 

1  Hermot.  74.    One  is  reminded  of  the  sham  tutor  in  Voltaire's 
Jeannot  et  Colin :  '  de  toutes  les  sciences  la  plus  absurde,  a  mon 
avis,  et  celle  qui  estlaplus  capable  d'etouffer  touteespece  de  genie  : 
c'est  la  geometrie.     Celle  science  ridicule  a  pour  objet  des  surfaces, 
des  lignes,  et  des  points,  qui  n'existent  pas  dans  la  nature.'   Lucian 
was  merely  stating  the  arguments  of  the  Sceptics. 

2  Icaromen.  6,  7. 

3  Encyclop.  Brit.  9th  ed.,  art.  '  Astronomy.' 

4  He    was  forty  when  he  gave   up  rhetoric  (Hermot.  13,  Bis 
Accus.  32),  in  which  profession  he  says  he  foolishly  wasted  fifteen 
years  (Hermot.  24). 


XrY 

ftyi 


10  LIFE    OF    LUCIAN 

and  Greece,  and  shortly  afterwards  went  to 
Kome  to  see  an  oculist  about  his  eyes.  He  there 
met  Nigrinus,  the  academician,  who  urged  him 
to  discard  rhetoric  and  study  philosophy.  So 
moving  was  the  eloquence  of  the  philosopher 
that  Lucian's  head  swam  round ;  his  voice  failed, 
his  tongue  refused  to  move  when  he  wished  to 
speak;  he  burst  into  a  perspiration,1  and  then 
burst  into  tears.2  Miss  Burney's  choicest 
heroines  never  had  a  more  trymg experience. 
And  Philosophy  won  him  ?  By  no  means.  With 
all  the  good  will  in  the  world,  Lucian  could 
never  have  become  a  true  philosopher ;  for  he 
was  wanting  in  the  steadiness  of  purpose,  the 
calmness  of  judgment,  the  logical  consistency 
and  the  intellectual  grasp  that  are  necessary  to 
make  one.  On  the  morrow,  it  may  be,  he 
resumed  his  profession,  went  to  North  Italy  in 
pursuit  of  business,  and  finally  passed  into  Gaul.3 
Here  he  appears  to  have  obtained  some  public 
appointment 4  and  to  have  accumulated  money. 

Being  now  beyond  the  reach  of  want,  he  took 
a  very  natural  step  :  he  had  left  his  native  town 
a  penniless  boy,  and  he  now  returned  home  to 
present  himself  to  his  friends  as  a  public  func- 

1    tSpcort  KaTfppe6p.r)v  '.  Nigr.  4. 
3  T€\os  ($a.Kpvov  ciTropov/Ltej/os'  1  ib. 

3  Bis  Accus.  27.  4  Apologia,  15. 


LIFE    OF    LUCIAN  11 

tionaryand  a  well-known  rhetorician  and  pleader. 
He  was  in  Ionia  and  Syria  during  the  first  years 
of  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Marcus  Aurelius, 
and  by  an  ingenious  comparison  of  the  two 
tracts,  *  Imagines '  and  '  Pro  Imaginibus,'  M. 
Croiset  draws  the  conclusion  that  Lucian  saw 
the  Emperor  Lucius  Verus  in  Antioch  in  162-3 
A.D.1  He  left  Antioch  probably  in  164  A.D.  to 
return  to  Greece,  taking  with  him  his  father  and 
family.  On  the  way  he  stopped  at  Abonotichos 
in  order  to  visit  Alexander,  the  magician.  He 
sailed  finally  for  Greece  from  the  Troad,  in 
company  with  Peregrinus,  the  Cynic.  In  the 
end  of  164,  or  beginning  of  165,  he  was  at 
Corinth ;  and  in  the  latter  year  he  visited  the 
Olympic  Games  during  which  Peregrinus  leaped 
into  the  flames  and  perished. 

When  Lucian  was  forty  years  of  age,  that 
is,  very  probably,  in  this  year  165,  the  most 
important  event  of  his  life  took  place ;  for  to  it 
we  owe  all  his  best  works.  He  abjured  rhetoric 
and,  after  a  short  hesitation,  became  a  satirist. 
Let  us  endeavour  to  trace  the  causes  of  this 
radical  change. 

That  a  man  who  was  opposed  (or  thought  he 

1  Annuaire  de  V  Association  pour  Vcncouragt.  dcs  etudes  grec- 
qucs,  1879. 


12  LIFE    OF    LUC1AN 

was  opposed)  to  imposition  and  sham  should 
have  followed  for  fifteen  years  such  a  profession 
as  rhetoric  was  then,  must  have  been  owing  to 
some  irresistible  necessity;  and  the  necessity, 
we  may  feel  sure,  was  poverty.  This  obstacle  to 
his  quitting  rhetoric,  however,  was  removed  by 
his  financial  success  in  Gaul.  But  the  habits 
contracted  during  a  number  of  years  are  not 
lightly  cast  off,  and  Lucian  might  possibly 
have  remained  a  rhetorician  in  name  to  the  end 
had  not  other  influences  been  at  work.  Of  the 
existence  of  two  such  influences  there  can  be 
very  little  doubt. 

First,  he  may  have  made  friends,  but  he 
must  certainly  have  made  enemies  among  the 
rhetoricians.  Human  nature  was  much  the 
same  then  as  it  is  now,  and  no  man  endures 
ridicule  without  some  feeling  of  resentment. 
Can  we  doubt  that  Lucian  laughed  in  the  faces 
of  the  weaker  brethren  in  court  and  at  declama- 
tions ?  He  did  so  doubtless,  and,  what  was 
worse,  he  held  them  up  to  public  scorn  in  his 
writings.  He  took  his  amusement  and  paid  the 
inevitable  price :  he  was  detested  by  all  the 
dullards  and  hypocrites — and  they  were  many— 
in  his  profession.  They  hated  him  not  the  less 
because  he  was  a  Syrian,  a  foreign  upstart ; 


LIFE    OF    LUCIAN  13 

they  hated  him  all  the  more  because  not  one  of 
them  could  cope  with  him  in  wit,  or  vie  with 
him  in  style.  Their  enmity  naturally  made  him 
not  unwilling  to  leave  them  and  rhetoric  for 
ever,  when  a  convenient  opportunity  occurred. 

Secondly,  about  this  time  his  acquaintance 
with  Demonax,  whom  he  apparently  had  long 
known,1  became  very  intimate  ;  and  it  is  easy 
to  understand  how  strongly  intercourse  with  the 
agreeable  and  genial  philosopher  drew  the  fickle 
Syrian  from  rhetoric  and  attracted  him  towards 
philosophy. 

The  concurrent  action  of  these  influences 
was  quite  strong  enough  to  alter  the  course  of  a 
man  with  a  stabler  character  than  Lucian,  and 
we  learn  without  surprise  that  he  cut  himself 
adrift  from  rhetoric  in  165 :  a  step  which 
necessitated  his  deciding,  for  the  second  time  in 
his  life,  what  calling  he  should  adopt. 

He  was  not  born  a  poet,  and  history  was 
beyond  the  grasp  of  one  who  failed  to  perceive, 
even  dimly,  the  existence  of  some  determinate 
order  in  the  march  of  human  affairs.  Physical 
science  was  quite  unsuitable  for  a  man  of  forty 
who  was  ignorant  of  the  elements  of  mathe- 
matics and  physics.  That  the  majority  of 

1  Demon.  Vit.  1. 


14  LIFE    OF    LUCIAN 

educated  persons  in  his  time  had  no  notion  of 
natural  law,  is  shown  by  such  works  as  ^Elian's 
*  History  of  Animals'1  and  some  of  Plutarch's 
essays.  Lucian  did  not  rise  above  the  rest. 
He  had  no  conception  of  invariable  law,  and  he 
rejected  as  incredible  whatever  transcended  his 
personal  experience. 

Metaphysic,  or  even  Psychology,  was  out  of 
the  question.  A  man  ignorant  of  the  simplest 
laws  of  matter  was  not  likely  to  master  the 
subtler  laws  of  mind.  Unaware  of  the  reign  of 
law  among  the  phenomena  of  nature,  he  of 
course  had  no  belief  in  a  Lawgiver  hidden 
behind  phenomena.  He  would  probably  have 
been  moved  to  laughter  by  the  words  of  the 
Persian  poet : — 

....  the  world  is  ruled  by  a  hidden  Power. 

The  hand  is  hidden,  yet  we  see  the  pen  writing ; 

The  horse  is  galloping,  yet  the  rider  is  hidden  from  view  ; 

The  arrow  speeds  forth,  yet  the  bow  is  unseen  ; 

Souls  are  seen :  the  Soul  of  Souls  (God)  is  hidden.2 

Lucian  did  not  apply  his  mind  to  such 
laborious  and  unsuitable  studies  as  history, 
science  or  philosophy,  but  betook  himself  to  the 
lighter  and  more  congenial  task  of  heaping 

1  Quoted  in  Croiset's  Essai  sur  .  .  .  Lucien,  p.  178. 

2  Masnavi  of  Jalalu'd  Din  Eumi,  trans,  by  Whinfield,  p.  78. 


LIFE    OF    LUCIAN  15 

ridicule  upon  those  who  did.  Yet  he  believed 
that  he  had  become  a  philosopher.1  He  never 
became  one  :  he  was  rhetorician  and  sophist 
to  the  end  of  his  days.  It  is  true  he  coquetted 
with  philosophy,2  as  he  had  done  before  ;  3  but 
the  courtship  was  short  and  the  breach  was 
final. 

We  can  only  surmise  that  his  headquarters 
were  at  Athens  from  this  time  forward  until  he 
sailed  to  take  up  his  appointment  in  Egypt, 
where  he  died. 


<£iAooro(£fii/  K.  T.  X.,  Hermot.  13. 
2  Bis  Accus.  32  ;  De  Salt.  3.  3  Nigr.  4,  35. 


16 


II 

CLASSIFICATION  OF  LUCIAN'S   WORKS 

EIGHTY-THREE  works  have  been  attributed  to 
Lucian.  Some  of  them  are  most  probably 
spurious,  but  the  critics  are  not  agreed  about 
the  exact  number.  Bekker  rejects  twenty-eight, 
Somrnerbrodt  twenty-two,  Croiset  thirteen,  &c. 
The  question  does  not  concern  us  here,  as  none 
of  the  works  generally  disputed  are  referred  to. 

The  most  convenient  classification  of  Lucian' s 
works  is  a  division  of  them  into  some  such 
groups  as  those  proposed  by  M.  Croiset,  and 
this  is  a  delicate  and  difficult  undertaking. 
His  groups  are  given  below,  but  minor  works 
and  those  generally  allowed  to  be  spurious  are 
omitted. 

1 
Under  the  direct  influence  of  Rhetoric 

Nigrinus  (shortly  after  150  A.D.). 

Imagines  (162-3). 

Quomodo  Historia  Conscribenda  (early  in  165). 


CLASSIFICATION    OF    LUCIAN'S    WOKKS       17 


2 
Transition  Period  (from  Rhetoric  to  Satire) 

De  Saltations  (middle  of  165). 

Anacharsis. 

Toxaris. 


On  abandoning  Ehetoric 

Hermotimus  (end  of  165). 

Philopseudes. 

Convivium. 


Under  the  influence  of  Menippus,  the  Cynic 

Necyomantia. 

Dialogi  Mortuorum. 

Icaromenippus. 

Jupiter  Confutatus. 

Dialogi  Deorum  and  Dialogi  Marini. 

Verae  Historise. 


Under  the  influence  of  the  Old  Comedy 


Tyrannus. 
Gallus. 
Timon. 
Charon. 


Jupiter  Tragoedus. 
Concilium  Deorum. 
Prometheus. 
Auctio  Vitarum. 


Piscator. 

Bis  Accusatus. 

Peregrinus. 


Miscellaneous 

Pthetorum  Prseceptor. 
De  Mercede  Conductis. 
Demonax  (177,  Bolderman  J ). 
Alexander  (after  180). 

1  Studia  Lucianea,  p.  15. 


18      CLASSIFICATION    OF    LUCIAN'S    WOEKS 

The  works  in  which  Lucian  is  seen  at  his 
worst,  in  the  humble  opinion  of  the  present 
writer,  are  his  lampoons  f  Alexander,'  '  Pere- 
grinus  '  and  L  Adversus  indoctum  et  libros  multos 
ementem.'  Owing  to  the  nature  of  the  subject, 
there  was  little  scope  in  any  one  of  the  three 
for  his  imagination  and  humour,  while  there  was 
ample  room  for  all  his  weakest  qualities.  cHer- 
motimus  '  is  his  most  important  philosophical  (or 
anti-philosophical)  pamphlet,  and  it  is  generally 
agreed  that  his  greatest  religious  (or  anti-religious) 
work  is  '  Jupiter  Tragoedus.'  Perhaps  c  Charon 
sive  Contemplantes,'  written  evidently  when  he 
was  at  the  height  of  his  powers,  is  the  composi- 
tion in  which  he  delivers  his  views  on  the  destiny 
of  man  in  his  finest  and  sombrest  manner.  But 
the  work  in  which  his  two  best  gifts,  imagination 
and  humour,  are  shown  to  the  greatest  advan- 
tage is  assuredly  the  '  Verse  Historiae,'  a  master- 
piece which  has  never  been  excelled.  Great 
writers  have  not  scrupled  to  cull  flowers  from  it ; 
yet  Lucian  holds  his  own,  in  imagination  and 
humour,  with  Eabelais,  Swift  and  Voltaire. 


19 


III 

THE   LIMITS  OF  SATIEE 

SATIRE  is  the  expression  either  of  amusement  at 
folly  or  of  disgust  at  vice.  But  this  expression 
of  ridicule  or  scorn  is  subject  to  two  conditions  : 
first,  it  must  be  conveyed  in  a  literary  form; 
and  secondly,  when  aimed  at  the  unseemly  it 
must  possess  some  tincture  of  wit  or  humour. 
The  grounds  for  these  conditions  are  obvious. 
If  literary  form  be  absent,  the  expression  of  our 
contempt  or  derision  degenerates  into  a  sneer  or 
a  gibe.  If  humour  and  wit  be  wholly  wanting  in 
attacks  upon  vice,  satire  sinks  into  a  sermon  or 
invective.  This  meaning  of  the  word  satire  is 
narrower  than  Juvenal's  : 

Whatever  passions  have  the  soul  possest, 
Whatever  wild  desires  inflamed  the  breast, 
Joy,  Sorrow,  Fear,  Love,  Hatred,  Transport,  Eage, 
Shall  form  the  motley  subject  of  my  page.1 


Quidquid  agunt  homines,  votum,  tirnor,  ira,  voluptas, 
Gaudia,  discursus,  nostri  est  farrago  libelli :  i.  185  (Gifford). 

c  2 


20  THE    LIMITS    OP    SATIEE 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  somewhat  broader  than 
Pope's : 

Satire's  my  weapon,  but  I'm  too  discreet 

To  run  amuck  and  tilt  at  all  I  meet ; 

I  only  wear  it  in  a  land  of  Hectors, 

Thieves,  Supercargoes,  Sharpers  and  Directors  ; l 

It  approaches  more  nearly  to  that  given  in 
an  '  Essay  on  Satire '  (wrongly,  I  believe) 
attributed  to  Dryden,  where  it  is  said  to  be  the 
province  of  satire 

To  tell  men  truly  of  their  foulest  faults,2 

To  laugh  at  their  vain  deeds  and  vainer  thoughts. 

The  meaning  of  the  word  satire  given  above 
is  sufficient  for  our  present  purpose,  since  it 
includes  writers  so  widely  different  as  Langland 
(the  author  of  '  Piers  the  Ploughman  ')  and  Vol- 
taire, Persius  and  Eabelais,  Horace  and  Swift. 

Satire  is  applicable  to  things  which  invite 
our  ridicule  or  move  our  contempt ;  but  to  such 
things  only  is  it  applicable.  To  apply  it  to 
other  subjects  is  to  abuse  it — and  it  has  been 
too  often  abused.  The  temptations  to  do  so 
are  confessedly  great.  First,  the  unanswerable 


1  *  Imitations  of  Horace,'  Sat.  ii.  1,  69. 

2  The  old  word  faute  only  recovered  its  hereditary  Z  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  and  its  traditional  sound  long  survived,  as  here  and 
in  Goldsmith's  Deserted  Village. 


THE    LIMITS    OF    SATIRE  21 

argument  of  ridicule  presents  an  easy  short  cut 
to  conclusions  to  which  the  ordinary  methods  of 
reasoning  afford  no  approach — practically,  to 
any  conclusions  we  please.  Secondly,  it  takes 
the  popular  ear.  '  The  multitude  hear  nothing 
with  so  much  good  will  as  satire  and  sarcasm/ 
says  Diogenes  in  Lucian's  '  Piscator,'  25, 
'  especially  when  bestowed  upon  objects  the 
most  respectable  in  general  estimation.' 1 

It  is  unnecessary  to  catalogue  here  the  many 
matters  to  which  satire  is  inapplicable ;  but  one 
or  two  must  be  mentioned,  because  they  are 
closely  connected  with  the  present  subject. 
Foremost  among  them  are  the  various  beliefs 
which  men  hold,  or  have  held,  concerning  the 
existence  of  a  Deity,  or  Deities,  and  concerning 
death  and  what  lies  beyond  the  grave.  Men's 
beliefs,  present  or  past,  upon  these  matters  may 
excite  awe  or  wonder,  sorrow  or  pity,  but  never 
contempt  or  ridicule  in  either  reverent  or 
generous  minds.2  They  do  not  belong  to  the 

1  E'en  the  whole  world,  blockheads  and  men  of  letters, 
Enjoy  a  cannonade  against  their  betters. 

PETER  PINDAR. 

2  His  ibi  me  rebus  qusedam  divina  voluptas 
Percipit  atque  horror  .... 

LUCRETIUS,  de  N.  R.  iii.  28. 


22  THE    LIMITS    OF    SATIEE 

province  of  satire,  and  to  use  it  against  them  is 
an  artistic  crime. 

<  Eeligion,  they  tell  us,  ought  not  to  be 
ridiculed,  and  they  tell  us  truth  ;  yet  surely  the 
corruptions  in  it  may,'  writes  Swift.1  If  the 
limits  of  satire  have  been  correctly  laid  down, 
she  has  an  undoubted  right  to  lash  those 
corruptions  in  religion  which  move  our  scorn 
or  our  laughter.  She  has  a  right  to  express  her 
contempt  for  the  amours  of  the  Greek  and 
Hindoo  gods,  her  derision  at  the  sale  of 
Indulgences,  her  wrathful  scorn  at  the  Inquisi- 
tion, her  merriment  at  the  dancing  Darwayshes ; 
but  this  falls  very  far  short  of  ridiculing  the 
belief  in  a  Deity,  in  the  freedom  of  the  will,  and 
in  the  immortality  of  the  soul. 

Lucian  was  unaffected  by  these  considera- 
tions and  ridiculed  with  impartiality  the  gods 
on  Olympus  and  the  ghosts  in  the  Shades,  the 
V  king  upon  his  throne  and  the  dying  philosopher 
upon  his  pallet  in  prison.2  He  was  uninfluenced 
by  them  because  they  only  appeal  to  men 
animated  by  some  spark  of  generosity  and 
reverence.  He  shows  no  generosity,  and  the 
only  reverence  he  ever  displayed  was  for  his 

1  '  Author's  Apology,'  prefixed  to  the  Tale  of  a  Tub. 

2  Dialog.  Mori.  21. 


THE    LIMITS    OF    SATIRE  23 

own  interests.  The  solitary  institution  that 
escaped  his  sarcasm  was  the  Eoman  Govern- 
ment.1 He  died  a  Eoman  official. 

1  Open  satire  would  of  course  have  been  out  of  the  question  ;  but 
Lucian,  had  he  chosen,  was  just  as  capable  of  writing  covert  satire 
as  were  Persius,  Juvenal  and  Tacitus. 


IV 

LUCIAN'S  PHILOSOPHY  AND  BELIGION 

LUCIAN'S  chief  pamphlet  on  philosophy,4  Hermo- 
timus,'  is  a  rhetorical  attempt  to  prove  that  all 
philosophy  is  impossible — that  (as  Pascal  puts 
it)  c  se  moquer  de  la  philosophic,  c'est  vraiment 
philosopher.'  The  general  conclusion  is  essen- 
tially sceptical,  and  were  it  not  for  a  passage  in 
which  he  seems  to  speak  of  virtue  as  good,  we 
might  be  tempted  to  conclude  that  he  had 
enrolled  himself  among  the  Pyrrhonians  or  New 
Academicians,  the  former  of  whom  he  charac- 
teristically laughs  to  scorn  in  the  i  Auctio 
Vitarum,'  27  ;  the  latter  in  '  Icaromenippus,'  25, 
and  the  '  Verae  Histories,'  ii.  18.  He  never 
joined  any  school ;  and,  apparently,  lest  any 
doubt  should  remain  about  his  meaning  in 
'  Hermotimus,'  he  arraigns  the  sects  in  i  Necyo- 
inantia '  in  a  way  that  cannot  be  misunderstood. 
Menippus  there  says  that  he  found  them  all 
ignorant  and  perplexed,  living  lives  that  were  in 


LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    EELIGION      25 

open  contradiction  to  their  teaching.  He  con- 
tinues —  l  one  of  them  (the  Epicurean)  advised 
me  to  pursue  pleasure  at  all  hazards,  for  in 
pleasure  lay  true  happiness.  Another  (the 
Cynic)  perpetually  dinned  into  my  ears  the 
notorious  verses  of  Hesiod  about  virtue  and 
exertion  and  the  ascent  of  the  Hill  of  Virtue,1 
and  exhorted  me  to  subdue  the  flesh.  "Be 
squalid  and  foul  in  your  person,"  he  said,  "  and 
offensive  and  abusive  in  your  language."  A 
third  (the  Stoic)  admonished  me  to  contemn 
riches,  while  a  fourth  (the  Peripatetic)  affirmed 
wealth  to  be  good  in  itself.'2  The  question  at 
once  presents  itself,  how  came  Lucian  to  reject 
all  existing  systems  of  philosophy  ?  He  had,  cer- 
tainly, at  one  time  or  another,  made  advances  to, 
or  entered  into  negotiations  with,  the  leading 
Schools.  His  unwavering  aversion  to  the 


1  Trjv  fj.ev  rot  KdKOTTjTa  K.al  I\a8bv  f 
'Pr]'i8io)s'  Xe/Tj  p.ev  6§bs,  /uciXa  S'  eyyudi  vaift. 
TTJS  6'  apeTrjs  l8po)Tci  6fol  TTpoTrdpoidev  etirjKav 
JA0dvaToi'  paif.pbs  de  teal  opQios  oifiov  es  avrrjv 
Kal  rprjxvs  ToirpwroV  €TTT)V  S'  els  aKpov  IKIJTOI, 
'Prj'idirj  drj  eVetra  Tre'Xft,  ^aXe7ri7  Trep  foixra. 

(Vice  is  not  hard  to  reach  :  the  road  thereunto  is  level  and  near  at 
hand.  But,  by  the  decree  of  the  immortal  gods,  the  road  to  Vir- 
tue is  a  toilsome  and  a  weary  one.  Long  and  steep  and  rugged  is 
the  path  —  at  first  ;  but  once  the  summit  of  the  Hill  has  been  reached, 
then  truly  that  becomes  easy  which  was  difficult  before.)  Works 
and  Days,  287  et  scq. 
.  4. 


26     LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    EELIGION 

noblest  of  them  all,  Stoicism,  shows  at  least 
that  he  had  made  himself  acquainted  with  its 
principal  doctrines.  He  had  sought  instruction 
from  the  Pyrrhonians  and  New  Academicians  ;  l 
he  had  entered  into  close  relations  with  the 
Cynics  ;  2  and  in  later  life  he  seems  to  have 
inclined  towards  the  Epicureans.3  He  had, 
partially  at  least,  carried  out  the  very  plan 
which  he  assured  the  timid  Hermotimus  was 
impossible  —  life  was  too  short  for  it  ;  4  he  had 
studied  (superficially  no  doubt5)  the  tenets  of  the 
various  sects  and  rejected  them  all.  Why  did  he 
reject  them  ?  M.  Croiset,  if  I  gather  his  meaning 
correctly,  seems  to  think  Lucian's  rejection  of 
the  sects  was  chiefly  due  to  his  love  of  indepen- 
dence ;  6  but  it  is  not  clear  where  sufficient 
evidence  is  to  be  found  of  his  possessing  so 
strong  a  love  of  independence  as  to  hinder  him 


1  'Es  Se  TTJV  'Aicadrjfifiav  fj  «    TO    AVKCIOV   e'Xtfdjra,  K.  r.    X.      Bis 
Accus.  32. 

2  It  is  sufficient  to  mention  his  admiration  for  Menippus  and 
his  friendship  with  Demonax. 

3  Alexander,  25,  45,  47,  61. 

4  48-49.  Hermotimus  reminds  one  of  the  unhappy  '  young  man  ' 
so  familiar  in  the  sermons  of  the  ministers  of  the  Kirk,  created  only 
to  be  annihilated. 

5  '  Im  Allgemeinen  muss  man   sehr  zweifeln,  ob  Lucian  die 
wissenschaftlichen   System   der  alteren  griechischen  Philosophen 
iiberhaupt  griindlich  gekannt   habe.'     Passow's  Luciam,  und  die 
Geschichte,  Meiningen,  1854,  p.  20. 

6  Essai  sur  Lucien,  110. 


LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    EELIGION      27 

from  accepting  some  system  of  thought.  The 
question  is  not  to  be  disposed  of  so  simply. 

Lucian  seems  to  have  been  constitutionally 
incapable  of  distinguishing  between  a  gross 
belief  in,  say,  augury  or  Charon's  obolus  and 
the  indefinable  feeling  that 

The  awful  shadow  of  some  unseen  Power 
Floats,  though  unseen,  among  us  .  .  .* 

He  belonged,  like  Bunyan's  ( Man  with  the 
Muckrake/  to  a  class  of  men  who  '  could  look 
no  way  but  downwards  '  : — 

.  .  .  curvse  in  terras  animse  et  coslestmm  inanes.2 

Now  Lucian  happened  to  be  born  at  a  period 
when  superstition  was  wide-spread  and  miracles 
were  fashionable.  A  reaction  had  taken  place 
and  philosophy  never  was  more  religious  than  in 
the  second  century  A.D.S  The  leading  men  of 
the  age  were  devout.  The  Emperor,  Marcus 
Aurelius,  thought  life  would  not  be  worth  living 
without  gods ; 4  Fronto  prayed  daily  for  the 
recovery  of  the  Empress  Faustina  when  she  was 
ill ;  Pliny  the  Younger  built  two  temples  ;  Dion 


1  Shelley's  Hymn  to  Intellectual  Beauty. 

2  Persius,  ii.  61. 

3  Aube's  Hist,  des  Persec.  de  VEglise,  ii.  Ill, 

4  Thoughts  of  Emp.  Mar.  Aur.  ii.  11. 


28     LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    RELIGION 

Chrysostom,  Plutarch  and  Epictetus  were 
theists  ;  and  all  of  them  believed  firmly  in  the 
intervention  of  the  gods  in  human  affairs.  The 
moralists  and  popular  preachers  (generally 
Cynics)  were  either  neutral  or  regarded  such 
matters  with  contemptuous  indifference,  and  the 
Epicureans  alone  were  actively  hostile  to  the 
religious  reaction.  When  Lucian  entered  into 
life,  therefore,  he  found  himself  in  opposition  to 
the  great  majority  of  the  philosophers. 

Matters  were  aggravated  by  his  irrepressible 
sarcasm  and  unamiable  disposition.  The 
pamphlet  <  Adversus  indoctum,  &c.'  is  sufficient 
evidence  of  his  rancorous  anger.  Would  an 
amiable  man  have  bitten  the  mountebank 
Alexander,  when  he  extended  his  hand  to  be 
kissed  ?  l  A  kind-hearted  man  would  have  held 
in  abhorrence  the  odious  Menippus,2  for  whom 
Lucian  professes  the  greatest  admiration.  Could 
a  good-natured  man  have  written  '  Necyomantia ' 
or  <  Tyrannus  ' — to  mention  two  works  only  ? 
We  may  take  it  for  certain  that  Lucian  could 
not  have  remained  long  in  contact  with  any 


1  e'yco  Se  irpo(r<pvs   o>s  <pi\f)(TQ>v  dyy/jiaTi  ^prjcrrft)  Trdvv  p.iKpov    delv 

avTu>  TT)v  xf^Pa  fVoM/cra:   Alex.  55. 

2  (irftorrjyaye  p.oi  (fooftepov  Tiva  o>s  d\rj0a)s  Kvva  KOI  TO  8fjyp.a  \adpalovt 
co-co  KOI  yfXwv  a/za  fdaKM  :  Bis  Accus.  33. 


LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    EELIGION      29 

school  without  being  at  open  war  with  some  of 
its  members,  and  this  would  not  tend  to  cement 
the  bonds  of  amity  between  him  and  the  rest. 

The  foregoing  considerations  afford  a  simple 
and  sufficient  explanation  of  the  fact  that, 
throughout  his  life,  Lucian  played  the  part  of 
a  philosophical  condottiere.  But  there  was 
another  circumstance  that  tended  to  produce 
the  same  result.  Lucian7 s  was  a  mind  which 
comprehended  readily  a  single  principle,  but  was 
unable  to  grasp,  or  experienced  great  difficulty 
in  grasping,  a  body  of  principles  connected 
together  in  a  system.  M.  Croiset  puts  the 
matter  very  clearly  : — '  il  est  vivement  frappe  des 
details,  mais  il  voit  peu  les  ensembles.  .  .  .  En 
litterature,  en  religion,  en  philosophic,  il  en  sera 
de  meme  ;  partout  des  observations  excellentes, 
mais  nulle  synthese.' 1  This  mental  defect 
obviously  tended  to  repel  him  from  all  possible 
systems,  metaphysical,  moral  and  religious. 

If  all  systems  were  unacceptable  to  Lucian, 
why  did  he  make  advances  to  certain  of  them  ? 
It  was  not  likely  to  have  been  in  pursuit  of 
Truth ;  for  the  errors  which  disfigured  the 
various  systems,  not  the  truths  which  adorned 

1  Croiset,  Essai  sur  ....  Lucien,  101.   The  statements  in  the 
text  should  not  be  pushed  too  far. 


30     LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    EELIGION 

them,  were  ever  his  quarry.  His  object,  pro- 
bably, was  at  once  practical  and  prosaic.  He 
may  have  amused  himself  from  time  to  time  in 
enquiring  into  the  doctrines  of  the  Schools,  in 
order  to  discover  their  weak  points  and  thus 
supply  himself  with  materials  for  satire. 
Satire,  Pope  tells  us, 

.  .  .  mends  with  Morals  what  it  hurts  with  Wit.1 

It  would  be  difficult  to  mend  anything  with 
Lucian's  morality,  for  what  he  has  left  us  is 
almost  entirely  negative ;  and  it  only  amounts, 
in  substance,  to  the  denunciation  of  three  or 
four  vices  and  passions — tyranny,  avarice,  pride, 
and  suchlike — which  had  formed  the  stock-in- 
trade  of  moralists  ages  before  he  was  born. 

His  rules  for  the  conduct  of  life  may  be 
summed  up  in  a  few  lines.  He  admonishes 
us  i  to  live  like  others.' 2  If  we  contrast  this 
precept  with  that  of  his  Emperor,  Marcus 
Aurelius  : — '  live  as  if  every  day  were  thy  last/ 3 
we  clearly  perceive  how  far  superior  was  the 
doctrine  of  the  Stoic  to  that  of  the  Sceptic.  It 
is  true  that  in  perhaps  the  only  passage  in  all 


1  Imitations  of  Horace,  i.  262. 

2  ftiov  re  KOLVOV  aTracrt  ftiovv  I  Hermot.  84. 

3  Thoughts  of  the  Emp.  M,  Aur.  Ant.  ii.  5  (George  Long). 


LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    RELIGION     31 

his  works  that  shows  a  gleam  of  tenderness  or 
sympathy,  Lucian  puts  a  similar  phrase  into  the 
mouth  of  Charon,  the  representative  of  death, 
as  he  sat  with  Mercury  upon  the  summit  of 
Parnassus ;  but,  apparently,  he  makes  use  of  it 
only  to  expose  its  inanity.  '  Ought  I  not  to 
shout  down  to  this  madding  crowd,'  asks  Charon, 
i  to  cease  from  their  ignoble  strife  for  empty 
honours  and  worthless  wealth,  and  to  live  with 
death  always  before  their  eyes  ?  '  '  You  would 
shout  in  vain,'  replies  the  god;  '  their  ears  are 
stopped  with  ignorance  and  error,  and  they  are 
as  deaf  as  Ulysses  when  he  fled  from  the 
Syrens.' l  Mercury,  we  may  take  it,  was  ex- 
pressing the  sentiments  of  Lucian  himself,  to 
whom  the  solemnity  of  Charon's  advice  appealed 
in  vain. 

We  obtain  a  somewhat  more  definite  view  of 
his  teaching  from  the  counsel  given  by  Tiresias 
to  Menippus  : — '  the  lives  of  those  who  keep  aloof 
from  the  Schools  are  the  best  and  wisest. 
Abstain,  then,  from  discussions  on  high  matters, 
and  be  not  over-curious  about  the  nature  of 
things.  Avoid  vain  babblings,  and  let  your 
object  be  to  make  the  best  of  circumstances. 

1  Contemplantes,  20-1. 


32     LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    EELIGION 

Thus  you  may  pass  through  life  smiling,  taking 
nothing  too  seriously.'  1 

We  have  here  the  whole  body  of  positive 
moral  2  instruction  he  has  bequeathed  to  us,  and 
it  cannot  be  said  to  be  too  extensive  or  too  lofty 
a  code.  Its  most  striking  quality  is  its  mean- 
ness. Were  every  man  '  to  live  like  others,' 
there  would  be  an  end  to  all  further  progress  in 
literature  and  art,  to  every  effort  to  '  rise  on 
stepping-stones  of  our  dead  selves  to  higher 
things.'  To  abstain  from  investigating  physical 
phenomena  would  be  to  arrest  the  march  of 
science  and  open  the  door  to  universal  and 
triumphant  ignorance,  with  its  invariable  atten- 
dant, grovelling  superstition.  The  promise  given 
in  the  final  clause  of  Tiresias's  advice  is  an 
empty  one,  and  it  is  difficult  to  explain  how  a 
man  of  Lucian's  observation  could  have  put  it 
in  the  prophet's  mouth.  That  no  man,  however 
virtuous,  can  '  go  through  life  smiling,'  is  a 
lesson  of  universal  experience,  which  (as  Lucian 
must  have  known)  has  been  admirably  stated  by 
Herodotus.  '  In  this  life,  short  though  it  be,' 


1  CO  rS)V  l8io)T(t)i/  <ipi(rTOS  /3ios  Kdl  CT(i)(ppov€O'Tepos'  ws  TTJS  dcppocrvvrjs 
iravo-dfievos  rov  /iereeopoAoyeZV  Kal  re\rj  KO.\  dp%as  eVio-KOTretz/  Kal 
Karairrvaas  TO>V  (rofptav  TOVTUV  crfAAoyicr/u,et>j/  Kal  TO.  roiavTa  \rjpov 
ijYf]crdfi€Vos  TOVTO  p.6vov  e£  anavros  Brjpdcrr],  OTTCO?  TO  napov  ev  6fp.evos 
irapa&pdp.r]$  ycXwvra  TroXXa  Kal  Trepi  /jirjdcv  eo-irovdaKws  :  Necyoman.  21. 

3  The  word  '  moral'  is  used  in  its  broadest  signification. 


LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    EELIGION     33 

he  says,  '  there  has  never  sojourned  a  man, 
however  fortunate  he  may  have  appeared,  but 
has  had  occasion,  not  once  but  many  times,  to 
wish  himself  dead  rather  than  alive.' 1 

It  will  be  observed  that  Lucian  does  not  use 
the  word  *  virtue  '  in  his  precepts.  Did  he  hold 
virtue  to  be  good  ? 

He  speaks  of  virtue  in  several  passages  as  if 
he  regarded  it  with  by  no  means  unqualified 
admiration  ; 2  but  Hume  suggests 3  that  such 
passages  as  those  referred  to  may  be  only  the 
petulant  expression  of  Lucian's  disgust  at  the 
hypocrisy  of  many  professors  of  philosophy,  or 
of  his  weariness  of  the  virtue  of  the  Schools, 
which  everybody  prated  about 4  and  nobody 
practised.  This  suggestion  gains  a  certain 
weight  from  the  passage  in  '  Hermotimus  '  in 
which  Lycinus  explains  that  virtue  consists  '  in 
works,  in  doing  what  is  just  and  wise  and 
manly.'  That  he  thought  it  good — or  at  least 
preferable  to  the  practice  of  the  Stoics — is  shown 

1  vii.  46. 

2  *H  TTOV  yap  €(TTIV  rj  7ro\v0pv\r)TOS  dperf)  K.  T.  \.  :  Condi.  Deor.  13. 
2u vayovre s  evet-aTrdrijTa  peipaKia  rr\v  re  7ro\v6pv\rjrov  dpfrrjv  Tpayq>8ovari  : 
Icaromen.  30.    'Apcr^v  riva  .  .  .  pcyaXy  rfj  (pa>vfj  t-vveipovrav :  Timon,  9. 

ppa^codSiV  ra  7rdv8r)fj,a  cKfiva  rov  'HcrtoSou  irepl  rrjs  aperJjc 
teal  TOV  i&paira  KOI  TTJV  eVt  TO  a<pov  avdftcuTiv  :  Necyoman.  4. 

3  Enquiry  concerning  the  Principles  of  Morals,  sect.  vi. 

4  Pan  says  :  dicoveo  ye  avr&v  del  KfKpayoTtov  KOI  dpfrfjv  riva  .... 
i6vTo>v :  Bis  Accus.  11. 


34     LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    EELIGION 

by  the  words  that  follow :  '  instead  of  seeking 
after  virtue  and  practising  it,  you  Stoics  fritter 
away  your  lives  in  the  pursuit  of  pitiful  phrases, 
in  carrying  on  useless  wranglings,  and  in  dis- 
cussing insoluble  riddles.' l  These  remarks,  of 
course,  apply  only  to  Lucian's  views  at  the 
time  he  wrote  Hermotimus.'  No  general  state- 
ment can  be  made  of  the  creed  of  a  man  wafted 
about  by  every  wind  of  doctrine,  who  was  so 
reticent  about  his  own  positive  opinions  (if  he 
had  any). 

It  may  seem  superfluous  to  give  a  reason  to 
show  that  Lucian  believed  (at  one  moment  of 
his  life)  the  just  and  wise  and  manly  to  be  good ; 
but  it  is  necessary  to  do  so.  For  if,  during  the 
interval  that  elapsed  between  writing  (  Hermo- 
timus '  and  writing  *  Necyomantia '  and  the 
pamphlets  referred  to  by  Hume,  he  had  imbibed 
to  any  very  great  extent  the  doctrines  of  the 
Sceptics — and  who  can  say  whether  he  had  or 
not  ? — he  might  have  refused  to  admit  that  the 
just  and  wise  and  manly  were  good  in  themselves  ; 
in  which  case  Hume's  suggestion  would  lose  all 
weight.  l  We  do  not  say  anything  is  good  or 


1  'H  /it v  aptrr)  tv  cpyois  STJTTOV  eVriv,  oiov  tv  r&>  Si'/ccua  Trpdrrfiv  /cat 
(ro<pa  Kai  dvdpcla,  vp.els  fie  ....  d(p?vTf$  TOVTO.  £r)Tflv  Kal  ivoifiv  pr]p.aTia 
8vaTT)va  /zeXerare  Km  o-vXXoyttr^ioi'f  KOI  Utopias :  JELermot.  79. 


LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    EELIGION      35 

evil  with  the  conviction  that  it  is  probably  so/ 
says  the  sceptical  writer,  Sextus  Empiricus, 
who  lived  very  shortly  after  Lucian.1  l  He  who 
is  of  the  opinion  that  anything  is  either  good  or 
bad  by  nature  is  always  troubled.  .  .  .  But  he 
who  is  undecided  about  things  good  and  bad  by 
nature  neither  seeks  nor  avoids  anything  eagerly, 
and  is  therefore  in  a  state  of  tranquillity.' 2 

Unlike  Lucian,  the  other  great  satirists  of 
the  world  are  more  or  less  free  from  the  charge 
of  being  entirely  negative  in  their  morality  and 
rules  for  the  conduct  of  life. 

Few  can  read  the  lukewarm  {  Satires  '  of  '  / 
Horace  without  exclaiming,  c  I  would  thou  wert 
hot  or  cold '  ;  but  no  one  can  accuse  him  of  being 
merely  destructive.  c  Who  is  free  ? '  he  asks. 
*  The  man  who  has  dominion  over  himself,' 
answers  his  slave ;  c  the  man  whom  neither 
poverty  nor  chains  nor  death  can  affright ;  who 
sternly  subdues  his  appetites,  and  despises  empty 


1  Hypotypo&esj  i.  para.  226  ;  trans,  by  Miss  M.  M.  Patrick. 

2  'Arapa£ia:    Ib.    para.    27-8.     Pyrrhonism    was    obviously  a 
species  of  Hedonism.     Perhaps  the  best  criticism  ever  passed  upon 
the  Sceptics,  who  '  neither  sought  nor  avoided  anything  eagerly,' 
was  Pyrrho's  own.     He  eagerly  sought  safety  in  flight  on  one  occa- 
sion when  chased  by  a  dog,  and  on  being  taxed  with  inconsistency,  he 
said  that  it  was  difficult  to  give  up  entirely  one's  humanity  (Diog. 
Laert.  ix.  11,  66).     His  philosophy  was  an  attempt  to  evade  the 
necessary  modes  of  human  thought  and  language. 


36     LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    BELIGION 

honours.  Against  such  an  one  Misfortune 
advances  in  vain,' 1 

Let  us  present  to  the  Immortals,  says  Persius, 
not  offerings  of  silver  and  of  gold,  but  l  a  mind 
instinct  with  the  feeling  of  duty  to  God  and 
man,  a  soul  pure  even  in  its  secret  recesses,  and 
a  heart  deep-dyed  in  generous  honour.' 2 

'  Pray  for  a  bold  spirit,  free  from  all  fear  of 
death,'  says  Juvenal ;  l  a  spirit  that  "  counts 
death  kind  Nature's  signal  of  retreat "  ;  that 
can  endure  what  labour  may  be  necessary,  that 
knows  not  anger  and  covets  nothing.  .  .  .  The 
only  path  that  surely  leads  to  peace  leads  through 
virtue.' 3 

'  Knowledge  without  conscience  is  but  the 
ruin  of  the  soul,'  writes  Gargantua  to  his  son. 
<  It  behoveth  thee  to  serve,  to  love,  to  fear  God, 
and  on  Him  to  cast  all  thy  thoughts  and  all 
thy  hope,  and,  by  faith  formed  in  charity,  to 
cleave  unto  Him,  so  that  thou  mayst  never  be 
separated  from  Him  by  thy  sins.  Suspect  the 
abuses  of  the  world.  Set  not  thy  heart  on 
vanity,  for  this  life  is  transitory,  but  the  Word 
of  the  Lord  endure th  for  ever.  Be  serviceable  to 
all  thy  neighbours,  and  love  them  as  thyself.' 4 

1  Sat.  ii.  7,  83.  2  ii.  73.  3  x.  357. 

4  Rabelais,  Pant.  ii.  8. 


LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    RELIGION     37 

Swift  delivers  his  message  with  characteristic 
irony  : — '  It  is  likewise  proposed  as  a  great 
advantage  to  the  public,  that  if  we  once  discard 
the  system  of  the  Gospel,  all  religion  will  of 
course  be  banished  for  ever;  and  consequently 
along  with  it  those  grievous  prejudices  of  educa- 
tion, which  under  the  names  of  virtue,  conscience, 
honour,  justice  and  the  like,  are  so  apt  to  disturb 
the  peace  of  human  minds,  and  the  notions 
whereof  are  so  hard  to  be  eradicated,  by  right 
reason  or  free  thinking,  sometimes  during  the 
whole  course  of  our  lives.  .  .  .  But  I  conceive 
some  scattered  notions  about  a  superior  power 
to  be  of  singular  use  for  the  common  people,  as 
furnishing  excellent  materials  to  keep  children 
quiet  when  they  grow  peevish,  and  providing 
topics  of  amusement  in  a  tedious  winter  night.' l 

The  moral  of  Voltaire's  greatest  work 
<  Candide  '  is: — 'il  faut  cultiver  notre  jardin.' 
'  Travaillons,  sans  raisonner,  dit  Martin ;  c'est 
le  seul  moyen  de  rendre  la  vie  supportable ' 2 
— Carlyle's  doctrine  of  honest  work.  But  it 
was  in  practical  humanity,  rather  than  in 
theoretical  morality,  that  Voltaire  was  distin- 
guished. He  struggled  for  years  to  redress  the 
monstrous  wrongs  of  the  Galas  family,  to  rescue 

1   The  Abolishing  of  Christianity.  2  Chapter  xxx. 


38     LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    EELIGION 

the  Sirven  family  from  starvation,  to  release 
Espinasse  from  the  galleys.  After  being  sen- 
tenced to  death,  Admiral  Byng  sent  Voltaire  his 
warmest  thanks  for  Eichelieu's  letter  (which 
Voltaire  had  forwarded  to  him  and  which  was 
laid  before  the  court-martial)  exonerating  the 
unfortunate  Admiral  from  blame.1 

It  is  especially  when  we  compare  the  moral 
satires  of  Lucian  with  those  of  Persius  and 
Juvenal,  both  of  whom  were  inferior  to  him 
in  humour  and  imagination,  that  we  discover 
why  he  makes  so  mean  a  figure  in  morals.  He 
saw  clearly  enough  the  shortness,  the  paltriness,2 
the  irony  of  life ; 3  but  he  had  a  very  imperfect 
conception  of  its  misery.  A  teacher  who  offers 
us  a  recipe  that  will  enable  us  '  to  go  through  life 
smiling  '  cannot  be  taken  seriously.  In  Lucian 's 
view  men  are  '  mostly  fools  '  or  knaves,  and  life 
is  an  extravaganza,4  a  show,5  at  certain  scenes 


1  Parton's  Life  of  Voltaire,  ii.  247. 

2  Ta  TWV  dvdpooTrwv  Trpay/zara  ....   OVT}  (\7ri8os  OVTC  (popov  ci£ia  '. 
Demon.  20. 

3  FcXoia  KOI  TdTTfiva    Kai   d/3e/3cua    TO.    avdpamiva.    iravra 
Icaromen.  4. 

4  Q(T7T€p  av  el'  TIS  7iapa(TTija-a.picvos  TroXXoyy  ^opevras   .... 
7rpo<rra£fie  TQ>V  adovrw  €/cdcrra>,  TTJV  vvvtobiav  dcpevra,  'iftiov  aSeii/  p.€\os  '. 
Icaromen.  17. 

5  Toiyaprot   eKclva   opcovri  e'So/cft  p.oi  6  TO>V  avQpatTTwv  /Si'oy  iro^nrfi 
Ttvi.  fj.ctK.pa  Trpoa-foiKevai  K.  T.  X. — Carlyle's  '  ironic  procession  of  mor- 
tals, with  laughter  of  Gods  in  the  background  ' :  Necyoman.  16. 


LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    EELIGION     39 

of  which,  as  showman,  he  affords  us  a  glance. 
But  all  the  laughter  of  Momus  and  his  crew 
cannot  drown  '  the  still,  sad  music  of  humanity.' 
Ere  we  take  many  steps  from  his  booth,  we  arc 
harrowed  by 

Famine's  faint  groan  and  penury's  silent  tear.1 

Lucian  was  not  one  oi  those  great  souls  who 
'  saw  life  steadily  and  saw  it  whole.7  His 
narrow  Asiatic  mind  saw  but  two  of  its  many 
faces — the  foolish  and  the  vicious.  As  a  moralist 
he  takes  a  tenth  place. 

The  Greek  religion  was  the  attempt  of  man  to 
give  £  separate  expressions  of  the  Inscrutable  by 
means  of  particular  Deities/ 2  each  of  whom 
manifested  himself  through  one  of  the  powers 
of  nature.  As  the  phenomena  of  nature  were 
believed  to  be  the  acts  of  the  gods,  or  to  arise 
from  their  sufferings,  a  cycle  of  myths  sprung  up, 
some  of  them  ludicrous,  others  scandalous, 
precisely  similar  to  those  now  attached  to  the 
Hindoo  gods.  '  Pious  poets  and  grave  philo- 
sophers felt  shocked  by  such  myths,  and  tried  to 
mend  them  or  boldly  denied  them  ;  but  they  con- 
stituted nevertheless  the  faith  of  the  majority.' 3 

1  Shelley's  Queen  Mab. 

2  Goethe  in  Eckermann's  Conversations,  etc.  524. 

3  Prof.  C.  P.  Tiele  in  Encyclop.  Brit.  art.  '  Religions.' 


40     LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    RELIGION 

By  the  second  century  the  Grseco-Ronian 
religion  had  undergone  much  alteration  from  the 
assimilation  of  foreign  doctrine.  Gods  had  been 
admitted  from  Egypt,  and  goddesses  from 
Syria ; !  but  the  basis  of  the  popular  faith  was 
still  the  old  religion,  and  it  still  possessed 
considerable  vitality.  *  Is  it  an  irreparable 
evil,'  asks  Mercury  in  'Jupiter  Tragcedus,'  'that 
a  few  disbelieve  in  our  existence  ?  We  have  the 
many  with  us — most  of  the  Greeks,  the  great 
majority  of  the  lower  orders,  and  all  the 
Barbarians.'2  As  Professor  Bury  points  out,3  the 
very  power  to  assimilate  elements  of  other 
creeds  and  the  creation  of  new  deities  (such  as 
Annona)  show  the  vigour  of  the  old  religion  at 
this  time.  Its  strength  is  further  proved  by 
existing  inscriptions,  which  directly  reflect 
popular  beliefs,  and  by  the  fact  that  it  did  not 
collapse  for  two  centuries  after  Lucian's  death. 
It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  he  had  an 
exceedingly  small  share,  if  any  at  all,  in  the 
overthrow  of  the  Greek  religion.  Its  decay  and 
downfall  were  due  to  large,  general  causes 
entirely  beyond  the  control  of  Lucian  and  his 
friends,  which  would  probably  have  produced  the 

1  See  the  speeches  of  Momus  in  Condi.  Deorum.  J  53. 

3  Hist.  Bom.  Emp.  27  B.C.  to  ISO  -!./>.,  576. 


LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    RELIGION      41 

same  effect  had  they  never  been  born.  There  is 
no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  small  band  of 
cultured  sceptics  to  whom  Lucian  read  his 
satires  had  any  desire  to  subvert  the  popular 
religion.  It  is  not  even  quite  certain  that  he 
himself  aimed  at  its  destruction :  M.  Croiset, 
for  instance,  looks  upon  him  as  a  light-hearted 
mocker  who  ridiculed  the  gods  for  mere  amuse- 
ment, without  any  definite  object  in  view.1  But 
it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  any,  man  should 
discharge  satire  after  satire  against  the  religion 
of  his  country  without  some  premeditation. 
M.  Martha  feels  no  doubt  upon  the  matter  :  *  II 
ne  fit  pas  rire  a  depens  (des  dieux)  par  legerete, 
comme  avait  fait  Aristophane,  mais  bien  de 
propos  delibere.' 2 

Be  this  as  it  may,  Lucian  made  a  series  of 
brilliant  attacks  upon  the  religious  legends ;  and 
had  he  rested  on  his  laurels  thereafter,  no  stone 
could  have  been  cast  at  him.  But  he  went  a 
step  further  :  having  exploded  the  legends  of  the 
gods  he  proceeded  to  demolish  the  gods  them- 
selves.3 With  the  limits  of  satire  adopted  in 
these  pages,  this  attempt  was  as  inartistic  as  it 
was  impracticable.  There  is  no  gainsaying 

1  Essai  sur  Lucien,  202.        2  Moralistes  sous  VEmp.  Bom.  427. 
3  It  is  sufficient  to  mention  Jupiter  Tragcedus. 


42     LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    BELJGION 

Burke's  aphorism  : — '  man  is  a  religious  animal.' 
The  idea  of  a  Supreme  Power  is  indelibly 
impressed  upon  his  mind,  and  Lucian  could  no 
more  efface  it  than  he  could  unsphere  the  moon. 
Could  he  have  looked  for  one  moment  into  the 
future,  he  would  have  burnt  his  books  ;  for  that 
glance  would  have  shown  him  Christianity  sitting 
in  the  seat  of  the  vanished  Greek  religion — 
or  as  he  would  have  put  it,  one  superstition 
supplanted  by  another.1  '  He  looked  upon 
Christianity  as  a  superstition/  says  Sig.  Cantu.2 
This  is  but  a  partial  truth.  He  looked  upon  all 
religions  as  superstitions.  '  He  denies  them  all/ 
says  Eenan  ; 3  i  he  attacks  all  religious  beliefs/ 
says  M.  Martha.4 

Lucian's  attack  upon  an  Over-ruling  Power 
marks  one  of  the  radical  distinction^b£t^eeiihirri_ 
and  a  far  greater  man,  Voltaire.5    Both  possessed 
extreme  cleverness  rather  than   genius,  extra- 

1  '  It  is  not  hard  to  understand  the  causes  of  the  resolution  of 
(Religion)  into  its   first   seeds   or  principles,  which   are   only  an 
opinion  of  a  Deity  and  Powers  invisible  and  supernatural ;  that  can 
never  be  so  abolished  out  of  human  nature,  but  that  new  Eeligions 
may  again  be  made  to  spring  out  of  them,  by  the  culture  of  such 
men  as  for  such  purpose  are  in  reputation.' — Hobbes,  Leviathan, 
pt.  i.  12  (58). 

2  Dialoghi  dei  Morti,  Napoli,  1882,  p.  9. 

3  Marc-Aurele,  373. 

4  Moralistes  sous  VEmp.  Rom.  445. 

5  Sig.  Cantu  says :     '  Luciano  non  presenta  che  una  faccie  di 
Voltaire.     Questi  era  immense,  e  alia  sua  ironia  mescolava  entupi- 


LUCIAN'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND    BELIGION      43 

ordinary  versatility  and  acuteness,  a  certain 
superficiality,  withering  wit  and  an  inimitable 
style.  Neither  of  them  ever  expressed  a  great 
thought  or  painted  a  great  scene.  Both  of  them 
struck  at  a  great  religion,  but  they  had  very 
different  objects  in  view.  Yoltaire,  a  theist,1 
tried  to  level  the  obstacles -that  barred  the  way 
into  the  temple  of  Theism  ;  Lucian,  an  atheist,2 
tried  to  raze  the  temple  itself.  Under  no 
circumstances  could  Lucian  have  been  successful. 
Men  may  be  persuaded  to  exchange  their 
religion  for  a  better  one,  but  they  refuse  to  part 
with  it  for  an  empty  scepticism  or  blank  atheism. 

asmo  ed  amore  per  1'  umanita  ....  Luciano  invece,  privo  dell'  in- 
stinto  dell'  avvenire,  non  sa  altro  che  opprimere  il  presento  colle 
inesauribile  sue  facezie.  Ma  il  mondo  era  agitato  dal  bisogno  di 
credere,  d'  appoggiarsi  a  qualche  cosa  di  piu  che  urnano.'  Dial,  dei 
Morti,  p.  10.  This  criticism  does  not  seem  to  me  to  do  justice  to 
Lucian.  He  was  neither  man  of  science,  poet,  philosopher  nor  drama- 
tist, as  was  Voltaire ;  but  he  outstripped  Voltaire  in  every  species  of 
composition  in  which  imagination  plays  the  leading  part.  Voltaire 
was  by  no  means  distinguished  in  art  criticism,  in  which  Lucian 
occupies  the  front  rank,  and  he  is  so  inferior  as  to  be  out  of  all  com- 
parison with  Lucian  in  picturesque  narrative — e.g.  the  abduction 
of  Europa,  Dial.  Mar.  15.  Voltaire  could  not  have  written  the  best 
passages  in  the  Contemplantes. 

1  L'Hist.  de  Jenni,  chaps,  x.  xi.  ;  Zadig,  chaps,  xii.  xx. ;  and 
the  chapters  on  Mdlle  Hubert  and  Spinoza  in  Lettres  a  .  .  .  .  IG 
Prince  de  Brunswick  ;  CEuvres,  etc.,  Desrez,  Paris,  1837,  vol.  vi. 

2  I  cannot  agree  with  Herr  Jacob :  '  Lucian  .  .  .  darf  nicht  em 
Gottesleugner  nach  modernen  Begriffen  heizen  ' :  Characteristic 
LucianS)  Hamburg,  1832,  p.  xx.     Herr  Schcel  take  a  via  media, 
describing  Lucian  as  a  man  '  der  sich  zum  Atheismus  hinneigte  ' : 
Geschichte  der  griechischen  Literatur,  ii.  491. 


44     LUCIAX'S    PHILOSOPHY    AND   RELIGION 

Lucian  had  nothing  better  to  offer  them  :  his 
satire  is  essentially  destructive.  He  might  have 
exclaimed  with  Mephistopheles  : 

Ich  Inn  der  Geist  der  slets  Yeraeint 

The  general  conclusion  is  that,  although 
possessed  of  a  keen  understanding,  Lucian  was 
not  a  thinking  man  in  the  highest  sense  of  the 
phrase  :  a  conclusion  confirmed  by  a  remark  of 
Goethe's  :  —  c  the  man  of  understanding  finds 
almost  everything  ridiculous;  the  man  of 
thought  scarcely  anything.'1  Lucian  wisely 
abstained  from  the  attempt  to  formulate  a 
philosophical  creed  for  himself  ;  *  for  though 
ever  ready  to  pull  down,  he  was  quite  incapable 
of  building  up.3  His  mind  was  shallow,  his 
views  were  narrow,  and  his  ideals  were  low. 
He  had  neither  the  patience  nor  the  ability  to 
study  and  compare  the  merits  of  large  systems 
of  thought,  and  he  had  not  the  heart  to  be  a 
moralist.  Geometry  and  Astronomy  he  held  to 
be  nonsense,  Philosophy  a  delusion,  and  Eeligion 
a  superstition. 

Jm&e*  chap.  ir. 


*  'Impropre  par  temperament  et  par  education  a  grouper  dee 
idees  complexes  pour  en  former  on  tout,  fl  ee  decid*  de  bonne  heure 
par  principe  a  ne  pas  le  tenter.'—  Croiaet's  E***i  *mr  Lucm,  112. 

*  "Seiner  negariven   Katar  war  es  nkht  beechieden,  Kenes 

.*—  Sommerhrodt's  AmsgnsmMtc  Schnften  da  Lucia**. 
i  p.  mii. 


V 

CHARACTERISTICS 

MUCH    as    has    been    written    about    him,   no 
thoroughly  satisfactory  appreciation  of  Lucian's 
character  has  yet  been  given  to  us,  nor  is  one 
ever  likely  to  be.     His  character  was  essentially  ^ 
oriental,  and   (for  this   reason)   defies   analysis 
beyond  a  certain  point.     As  M.  Aube  puts  it : — 
'  il  est  en  Iui-m6me  si  ondoyant  qu'il  echappe  a 
qui   veut   le  saisir  et  entreprend  de   fixer  ses 
traits/  l    At  first  sight  he  seems  to  have  been  a 
bundle  of  contradictions.   Although  a  Barbarian,2 
he  wrote  the  best  Greek  of  his  time;  he  was 
an   Oriental,    yet    he    was    not    superstitious ;    t 
although  a  Syrian,  he  had  some  regard  for  truth.    . 
If   he   inclined    towards    the   doctrines   of  any 
school  of  philosophers  one  moment,  it  was  only 

1  Hist,  des  Persecutions  dt  VEglise,  Paris,  1875,  iL  112. 

2  '  Rhetoric '  says  she  found   him  '  quite   a  boy,  speaking  a 
barbarous  language,  and  clothed  in   a  kandys  after  the  Assyrian 
fashion  '   (jco/zidg  jutpfaov  ovra,  fidpfiapov  fri  TTJV  <p<avr)v  KOI  \tovovav\i 

evdfSvKOra  ft  TOV  'Xcravptov  rpoirov '.  Bis  Accus.  27). 


46  CHARACTERISTICS 

to  turn  upon  them  and  rend  them  the  next.  A 
foreigner,  he  settled  among  the  Greeks  and 
adapted  himself  to  their  way  of  life  without 
any  apparent  difficulty.  He  was  successively 
sculptor,  rhetorician,  philosopher,  satirist  and 
Government  official. 

When  closely  examined,  many  of  these 
contradictions  will  be  found  to  be  only  apparent. 

In  Chapter  iv.  I  have  endeavoured  to  explain 
his  position  with  regard  to  the  philosophical 
schools. 

The  fact  that  an  exceptionally  clever  Syrian 
wrote  excellent  Greek  after  a  prolonged  sojourn 
among  Greek-speaking  men  is  at  least  intelli- 
gible. 

The  ease  and  rapidity  with  which  he 
changed,  not  only  his  various  domiciles  and 
beliefs,  but  his  avocations,  present  no  difficulties 
to  us  if  we  bear  in  mind  that  he  was  a  Western 
Asiatic.  Such  transformations  are  thoroughly 
characteristic  of  the  regions  where  he  sprung. 
No  better  or  truer  illustration  of  the  flexibility 
and  fickleness  of  the  oriental  character  can  be 
found  than  in  Morier's  amusing  '  Adventures  of 
Hajjl  Baba  of  Ispahan,' — barber,  dervish,  execu- 
tioner, mollah,  and  Secretary  of  Legation. 

There  is  little  difficulty  in  understanding  his 


CHARACTERISTICS  47 

sympathy  with  Greek  life.  In  addition  to  its 
freedom,  it  had  many  points  in  common  with 
the  life  he  had  been  born  to.  Owing  to  the 
practice  of  slavery,  the  Greek  race  had  been 
for  centuries  '  becoming  a  fiction.  Miltiades, 
Thucydides,  and  Demosthenes  are  examples  to 
the  point.' 1  The  unions^  between  the  Greeks 
and  their  female  slaves  inevitably  introduced 
an  oriental  element  into  the  national  life,  and  in 
the  second  century  there  may  have  been  as  close 
a  resemblance  between  Greek  and  Syrian  in 
manners  and  habits  as  there  is  unmistakably  at 
the  present  time. 

1  There  is  nothing,'  says  Goethe,  '  in  which 
people  more  completely  betray  their  character 
than  in  what  they  find  to  laugh  at.' 2  Let  us  try 
to  get  a  glimpse  at  Lucian's  character  through 
the  incidents  that  amuse  him. 

c  Come  and  see  the  new  arrivals,'  says 
Antisthenes  to  his  companions  in  the  Shades. 
'  It  will  be  pleasant  to  see  some  of  them  weeping, 
and  to  hear  others  entreating  to  be  let  go.' 3 
Presently  Diogenes,  speaking  of  certain  other 
ghosts,  says,  'their  groaning  afforded  me  no 


1  W.  G.  Clarke's  Peloponnesus,  328. 

2  Elective  Affinities,  chap.  iv. 

3  Dial.  Mort.  xxvii.  1. 


48  CHABACTEKISTICS 

common  pleasure.' 1  '  I  shall  laugh  when  I 
recognise  the  naked  Princes  on  board  my  boat,' 
says  Charon,  i  without  purple  or  diadem  or 
golden  couch.' 2  '  I  was  exceedingly  delighted,' 
says  the  amiable  Menippus,  l  when  I  saw  the 
ghosts  of  men  who  possessed  wealth  and  birth 
and  power,  naked  and  bowed  down  in  the 
Shades,  recalling  as  in  a  dream  their  former 
happiness.' 3  He  adds  shortly  afterwards : — 
'  the  excellent  Diogenes  dwells  (in  the  Shades) 
near  Sardanapalus  and  Midas  and  others  who 
lived  in  the  lap  of  luxury  ;  and  often,  when 
he  hears  them  bewailing  their  former  fortune, 
he  rolls  on  his  back  with  delight  and  sings  in  so 
strident  and  harsh  a  voice  as  to  drown  their 
lamentations.' 4  *  I  could  not  contain  my 
laughter,'  says  the  same  character,  i  when  I  saw 
Philip  (King  of  Macedon)  in  the  Shades,  eking 
out  an  existence  by  mending  old  shoes.' 5 

In  Lucian's  own  time  Peregrinus  (or  Proteus), 
the  Cynic,  resolved  to  prove  the  sincerity  of  his 
belief  by  burning  himself  to  death  in  public 
during  the  Olympic  Games.  Just  before  leaping 
into  the  flames  he  delivered  a  short  address, 

1  Dial.  Mort.  7.  3  Charon,  14. 

3  Necyomantia,  12.  4  Ibid.  18. 

6  Ib.    17.     In   Rabelais,  Alexander   is   substituted   for   Philip, 
Pant.  ii.  30. 


CHARACTERISTICS  49 

hoping  possibly  that  the  crowd  would  forcibly 
compel  him  to  forego  his  mad  design.  A  few 
of  them  did  call  out,  *  live  !  f ot  the  sake  of  the 
Greeks  ' ;  but  the  majority  shouted,  '  keep  your 
promise.'  On  this,  the  old  man  i  grew  pale, 
trembled  and  was  silent.'  If  ever  there  was  a 
piteous  sight,  surely  this  was  one ;  yet  in 
describing  the  incident  afterwards  to  a  friend, 
Lucian  (who  was  present)  says : — l  you  can 
easily  understand  how  much  I  was  diverted  by 
him.' 1 

Lucian  may  have  been,  as  he  tells  us,  in- 
continent of  laughter ; 2  but  this  is  awful  mirth 
to  our  ears. 

Lucian' s  heartlessness  naturally  exercised 
an  evil  influence  on  his  works,  and  numerous 
instances  of  bad  taste  are  to  be  found  in  them, 
from  which  a  little  generosity  and  kindly  feeling 
might  have  saved  him.  We  may  coin  some 
excuse  for  a  voluminous  writer  who  describes 
Neptune  as  using  his  trident,  '  like  a  pot  stick/ 
to  stir  up  the  sea ; 3  or  who  says  of  a  multitude 
of  the  dead  :  <  some  were  old  and  mouldering  ; 
others  fresh  and  compact,  especially  the  Egyp- 


1  'Eyeo  5e,  e lita&is,  oymi,  TT£>S  eye\a>v :  Peregrinus,  34. 

2  'AKparqs  yAeoro?  :  Pseudolog.  7. 

ropvvrjv  Tivo,  efJL^a\O)V  rrjv  Tpiaivrjv  :   Charon,  7. 


50  CHAKACTEEISTICS 

tians,  owing  to  the  durability  of  the  pickle.' } 
It  is  more  difficult  to  find  an  excuse  for  him 
when  he  tells  us  that  Proteus,  on  coming  forward 
to  leap  into  the  fire,  '  stood  before  the  multitude 
dressed  in  a  very  dirty  shirt/  2  But  there  are 
instances  of  bad  taste  for  which  no  excuse  can 
be  found. 

A  writer  of  the  second  century  could  not 
reasonably  be  supposed  to  share  in  the  transports 
of  a  poet  of  the  Eenaissance  about  Helen  of 
Troy  :— 

O  them  art  fairer  than  the  evening  air, 
Clad  in  the  beauty  of  a  thousand  stars.3 

But  Lucian  might  have  extended  to  her 
some  small  measure  of  the  pity  shown  by  Homer. 
When,  '  shedding  tender  tears,'  she  approached 
Priam  as  he  sat  over  the  Scsean  Gate,  looking 
down  upon  the  two  armies  drawn  up  for  battle, 
he  called  her  to  him,  saying  :  i  come  and  sit  by 
me,  dear  child;  in  no  way  are  you  to  blame  for 
these  troubles.' 4  He  well  knew  that  to  her 
were  owing  the  disasters  that  threatened  him, 


1  8ia  TO  iro\vapKes  rfjs  rapixcias  :  Necyomantia,  15.     The  pickle, 
of  course,  means  the  chemicals  used  in  embalming  the  dead. 

2  fcrrr)  tv  odovy  pv7ra>crTj  aKpifias  :  Peregrinus,  36. 
8  Marlowe's  Doctor  Faustus. 

4  Iliad,  iii.  162. 


CHARACTERISTICS  51 

yet  he  addressed  her  with  a  gentleness  worthy 
of  the  best  days  of  chivalry,  The  old  king  was 
melted  by  a  woman's  grief  and  moved  by  her 
strange  beauty.  But  her  beauty  and  sorrows  had 
no  softening  influence  for  the  Syrian  satirist. 
' 1  saw  Helen  in  the  flesh,'  says  the  talking  Cock 
to  his  master,  Micyllus  the  cobbler ;  '  and  her 
skin  was  so  white  and  her  neck  was  so  long  that 
anybody  could  guess  her  father  was  a  swan.  As 
to  her  age,  she  must  have  been  as  old  as  her 
mother-in-law,  Hecuba.' *  Elsewhere  he  tells  us 
that  she  was  scourged  and  banished  from  Elysium 
to  Tartarus.2  It  does  not  need  transcendent 
literary  ability  to  throw  mud  upon  the  exquisite 
creations  of  the  greatest  writers  :  any  hireling 
can  do  it.  But  is  it  witty  or  humorous  or 
generous  ?  Lucian  failed  in  these  passages  as  an 
artist,  and  deserved  to  fail.  Helen  of  Troy  was 
110  fit  figure  for  the  finger  of  scorn  or  ridicule  to 
point  at.  She  arouses  our  compassion  when  she 
speaks  of  her  brother-in-law  Agamemnon  as 

My  brother  once,  before  my  days  of  shame  ! 
And  oh !  that  still  he  bore  a  brother's  name.8 

When  she  tries   to  explain  the  absence  of  her 

1  Gallus,  17.  2  Verce  Hist.  ii.  27. 

3  Iliad,  iii.  180  (Pope). 


K   2 


52  CHARACTEKISTICS 

brothers  from  the  fight  before  Troy,  she  moves 
our  pity  : — 

.  .  .  they  shun  to  join 
The  fight  of  warriors,  fearful  of  the  shame 
And  deep  disgrace  that  on  my  name  attend.1 

The  woman  who   could    thus   lament  over  the 
corpse  of  Hector  claims  our  tears  : — 

Ah,  dearest  friend  !  in  whom  the  Gods  had  joined 

The  mildest  manners  with  the  bravest  mind  ; 

Now  twice  ten  years  (unhappy  years)  are  o'er 

Since  Paris  brought  me  to  the  Trojan  shore  ; 

(O  had  I  perished,  ere  that  form  divine 

Seduced  this  soft,  this  easy  heart  of  mine  !) 

Yet  it  was  ne'er  my  fate  from  thee  to  find 

A  deed  ungentle,  or  a  word  unkind  : 

When  others  cursed  the  authoress  of  their  woe, 

Thy  pity  checked  my  sorrows  in  their  flow : 

If  some  proud  brother  eyed  me  with  disdain, 

Or  scornful  sister  with  her  sweeping  train, 

Thy  gentle  accents  softened  all  my  pain. 

For  thee  I  mourn ;  and  mourn  myself  in  thee, 

The  wretched  source  of  all  this  misery  : 

The  fate  I  caused,  for  ever  I  bemoan ; 

Sad  Helen  has  no  friend,  now  thou  art  gone  ! 

Thro'  Troy's  wide  streets  abandon'd  shall  I  roam  ! 

In  Troy  detested,  as  abhorr'd  at  home  ! 2 


1  Iliad,  iii.  241  (Lord  Derby).  Little  though  she  knew  it,  '  life- 
giving  Earth  had  received  them  both  back  into  her  bosom  in  Lace- 
daemon,  their  dear  native  land ' ;  ib.  243-4.  We  cannot  wonder  at  the 
judgment  of  Theocritus  upon  Homer  :  '  Homer  suffices  for  all ! ' 

aXis  irdvTfO'a'i.v   Op.rjpof. 

9  Ib.  xxiv.  762  (Pope). 


CHAEACTERISTICS  63 

In  the  eleventh  book  of  the  '  Odyssey/  Homer 
represents  Achilles  as  saying  to  Ulysses  when  he 
visited  the  Shades  : — 

Bather  I  choose  laboriously  to  bear 
A  weight  of  woes  and  breathe  the  vital  air, 
A  slave  of  some  poor  hind  that  toils  for  bread, 
Than  reign  the  sceptered  monarch  of  the  dead.1 

Plato  took  exception  to  this  passage  in  his 
'  Kepublic,'  and  the  grave  Sir  Thomas  Browne 
questions  '  whether  it  be  handsomely  said  of 
Achilles,  that  living  contemner  of  death.7  2  The 
sentiment  uttered  by  Achilles  is  just  suggested 
in  Fielding's  '  Journey  from  this  World  to  the 
Next,'  but  so  delicately  as  to  be  quite  unobjec- 
tionable. c  Notwithstanding  the  joy  we  ghosts 
declared  at  our  death  (when  journeying  by  coach 
to  the  Shades),  there  was  not  one  of  us  who  did 
not  mention  the  accident  which  occasioned  it  as 
a  thing  we  would  have  avoided  if  we  could.' 3 
The  quick  eye  of  the  Syrian  saw  that  this 
unfortunate  speech  in  the  *  Odyssey '  might  be 
used  to  disparage  Achilles ;  and  accordingly,  in 
the  fifteenth  <  Dialogue  of  the  Dead/  Antilochus 
rebukes  Achilles  for  uttering  such  unworthy 
thoughts.  Yet  other  satirists  could  spare  a 

1  Line  489  et  seq.  (Pope).  2  Hydriotaphia,  chap.  iv. 

3  Ed.  of  1783,  p.  8. 


54  CHAKACTEBISTICS 

word  of  praise  for  a  dead  hero,  even  though  he 
had  been  the  enemy  of  their  country  :— 

View  Hannibal's  grim  figure,  view  his  face  ! 
O  for  some  master-hand  that  form  to  trace  ! 

No  swords,  nor  spears,  nor  stones  from  engines  hurled, 
Shall  quell  the  man  whose  frown  alarmed  the  world.1 

'  Ha  !  fool,  dost  thou  weep  ?  '  is  the  mode 
in  which  Lucian  permits  Diogenes  to  address 
Alexander  the  Great  in  the  Shades.2  How 
differently  does  Fielding  treat  another  warrior 
under  similar  circumstances  I  The  reception  a 
ghost  met  with,  he  tells  us,  depended  upon  the 
number  of  those  who  reached  the  Shades  through 
his  instrumentality.  For  example,  the  Emperor 
of  the  Dead  caressed  Caligula '  on  account  of  his 
pious  wish  that  he  could  send  all  the  Eomans 
hither  at  one  blow.'  But  Marlborough  was 
received  with  marked  coldness,  'for  he  never 
sent  Him  a  subject  he  could  keep  from  Him,  nor 
did  He  ever  get  a  single  subject  by  his  means, 
but  He  lost  a  thousand  others  for  him.' 3 

We  cannot  compare  Lucian's  treatment  of 
kings  in  the  nether  world  with  Fielding's  ;  for 
the  latter  got  only  a  glimpse  of  Charles  XII  of 

1  Juvenal,  x.  147-166. 

2  Dialog.  Mort.  xhi.  4. 

3  Journey  from  this  World  to  the  Next,  p.  13. 


CHARACTERISTICS  55 

Sweden  and  Alexander  the  Great,  and  though 
he  thought  he  had  seen  Louis  XIV  there,  he 
was  mistaken.  '  One  fat  figure,  well-dressed  in 
the  French  fashion,  was  received  with  extra- 
ordinary complaisance  by  the  Emperor.  I 
imagined  him  to  be  Louis  XIV  himself,  but 
(as  I  was  afterwards  told)  he  was  a  celebrated 
French  cook.'1 

Let  us  take  another  extract  from  the  c  Dia- 
logues of  the  Dead/ 

Menippus.  Are  there  not  some  persons  shouting  on  earth  ? 

Mercury.  Yes,  and  in  a  number  of  different  places.  A 
crowd  on  their  way  to  an  Assembly  are  shouting  for  joy  at 
the  death  of  Lampichus,  King  of  the  Geloans.  The  women 
have  laid  violent  hands  on  his  wife,  and  the  boys  are  stoning 
his  young  children.  Others,  in  Sicyon,  are  applauding  the 
funeral  oration  of  Diophantus  the  rhetorician  over  this  Crato 
here  ;  and  the  mother  of  Damasius  the  wrestler,  with  a 
number  of  women,  is  just  beginning  to  chant  his  dirge.  No 
one  seems  to  care  for  you,  Menippus  ;  your  body  is  lying  in 
peace. 

Menippus.  Wait  a  bit,  and  you  will  hear  the  dogs  howling 
round  it,  and  the  crows  flapping  their  wings  when  they  come 
to  bury  it.2 

Men  making  merry  over  a  man's  death ; 
women  harrying  a  woman ;  boys  stoning  helpless 
children ;  dogs  tearing  a  corpse,  while  the 

1  Journey  from  this  World  to  the  Next,  p.  13, 

2  Dialog.  Mort.  10. 


56  CHAEACTEKISTICS 

crows   are   impatiently   awaiting  their   turn ; — 
these  things  are  revolting — to  us  at  least. 

Throughout  his  works,  Lucian  pursues  with 
relentless  rancour  the  philosopher  Socrates, 
living,1  dying,2  and  dead.3  Gibbon  thought 
Lucian  inimitable : 4  let  us  be  thankful  that 
his  treatment  of  Socrates  has  proved  to  be  so. 
When  Socrates  was  condemned  to  death,  he 
exclaimed  to  his  judges :  '  the  hour  of  de- 
parture has  arrived,  and  we  go  our  ways — I  to 
die,  and  you  to  live.  Which  is  better,  God  only 
knows.' 6  He  returned  to  his  prison,  and  when 
the  attendant  presented  the  cup  of  hemlock  to 
him,  he  took  it  i  in  the  easiest  and  gentlest 
manner,  without  the  least  fear  or  change  of 
colour  or  feature.  .  .  .  Hitherto  (continues  the 
narrator)  most  of  us  had  been  able  to  control 
our  sorrow  ;  but  now  when  we  saw  him  drinking, 
and  saw  too  that  he  had  finished  the  draught, 
we  could  no  longer  forbear,  and  in  spite  of 
myself  my  own  tears  were  flowing  fast/  In  a 
short  time  Socrates  lay  down  and  a  sheet  was 
thrown  over  him.  Presently  '  a  movement  was 
heard  and  the  attendants  uncovered  him  :  his 


1   Vit.  Auct.  15-18.  2  Dialog.  Mori.  21. 

3  Vera  Hist.  ii.  17,  19,  23.       4  Decline  <md  Fall,  etc.  i.  195. 

6  Plato'8  Apology  of  Socrates,  ii.  135  (Jowett). 


CHARACTEEISTICS  57 

eyes  were  set,  and  Crito  closed  his  eyes  and 
mouth.  Such  was  the  end  of  our  friend ; 
concerning  whom  I  may  truly  say,  that  of  all 
the  men  of  his  time  whom  I  have  known,  he 
was  the  wisest  and  justest  and  best.' l  l  It  is 
agreed  by  all/  says  another  account,  *  that  no 
man  ever  suffered  death  wjth  greater  constancy 
than  Socrates/  2  Let  us  pass  to  the  version  of 
this  sad  scene  bequeathed  to  us  by  Lucian 
through  the  mouth  of  Cerberus. 

Cerberus.  At  a  distance  (i.e.  before  death  stared  him  in 
the  face),  Socrates  was  of  good  countenance,  and  seemed  not 
to  fear  death  at  all ;  and  he  evidently  wished  to  impress 
those  looking  on  by  his  fearlessness.  But  when  he  bent 
down  to  enter  the  cavern  (i.e.  when  upon  the  point  of  death) ; 
when  he  saw  the  dark  void  before  him ;  when  the  hemlock 
tortured  him,  and  I  tugged  away  at  his  feet ; — then  he 
screamed  like  an  infant,  lamented  his  lost  children,  and 
would  not  be  comforted. 

Menippus.  The  man,  then,  was  an  impostor,  who  was 
anything  but  indifferent  to  death  ? 

Cerberus.  Not  quite  that :  when  he  found  death  was 
inevitable,  he  plucked  up  his  courage  and  made  a  merit  of  a 
necessity,  in  order  to  gain  the  applause  of  the  bystanders. 8 

Lucian,  apparently,  did  not  share  in  the  opinion 
of  his  sovereign,  Marcus  Aurelius : — 4  lice 
killed  Socrates.' 4  '  The  deep  damnation  of  his 

1  Plato's  Phcedo,  ii.  265  (Jowett). 
3  Xenophon's  Memorabilia,  iv.  8. 

3  Dial.  Mori.  21. 

4  Thoughts  of  the  Emp.  M.  Aur.  Ant.  iii,  3  (George  Long). 


58  CHAKACTEEISTICS 

taking  off '  did  not  quicken  the  beat  of  Lucian's 
pulse.  Socrates  was  put  to  death  ?  Well,  then, 
there  was  one  philosopher  less  in  the  world.  Far 
better  would  it  have  been  for  Lucian's  reputa- 
tion had  he  followed  the  advice  of  Tiresias  : 

Spare  the  departed  ;  war  not  with  the  dust,1 

and  left  unwritten  this  ignoble  Dialogue. 

A  perusal  of  '  Peregrinus '  shows  that 
Lucian's  notions  of  law  and  justice  were 
thoroughly  oriental. 

Peregrinus,  the  Cynic,  we  may  suppose, 
incurred  Lucian's  wrath  during  the  voyage  they 
made  together  from  the  Troad  to  Athens  in  164 ; 
but  how  he  did  so  is  unknown.  As  we  are  for 
ever  precluded  from  hearing  Peregrinus'  account 
of  himself,  it  is  all  the  more  imperative  to  sift 
to  the  uttermost  Lucian's  account  of  him. 

Can  we  receive  without  question  Lucian's 
accusations  against  Peregrinus  ?  Most  certainly 
we  cannot ;  first,  because  everyone  is  liable  to 
lose  a  sense  of  proportion  when  stating  an  enemy's 
crimes,  and,  secondly,  because  there  is  some 
reason  to  believe  that  on  another  occasion  Lucian 
brought  forward  charges  which  he  could  not  sub- 

1   aXX5  (IK*  rta  davovri  f*r)8'  oAa>Xora 

KfVTff  ..... 

SOPHOCLES,  Antig.  1029. 


CHARACTERISTICS  59 

stantiate.  He  failed,  as  he  tells  us  himself,  to 
obtain  justice  from  the  Governor  of  Bithynia, 
Lollianus  Avitus,1  against  Alexander,  the 
magician,  whom  he  had  accused  of  conspiring 
against  his  life  and  of  many  other  iniquities.2 
The  Governor's  excuse  for  not  proceeding  against 
Alexander — his  connexion  with  the  powerful 
Kutilianus — seems  to  have  been  a  mere  pretext 
for  dismissing  charges  in  which  he  had  little 
belief.  Granted  that  Butilianus  had  influence  ; 
yet  did  Lucian,  a  well-known  pleader  and  rhetori- 
cian of  the  highest  ability,  count  for  nothing  ? 
It  is  hardly  credible  that  a  high  Roman  official 
in  the  reign  of  Marcus  Aurelius  would  have 
ventured  to  suppress  serious  charges  for  such  a 
reason,  had  they  been  supported  by  sufficient 
evidence.  But  on  Lucian's  own  showing  the 
evidence  was  almost  nil.  After  leaving  Abono- 

1  Alexander,  57.     For  UVTOS-,  line  6  from  bottom  of  this  par., 
Burmeister   and  Jacobitz   read  :    Avetros  —  'AouiYos  =  (Lollianus) 
Avitus. 

2  From  the  phrase  6  6ebs  MdpKos,  used  in  Alexander,  48,  it  is 
clear  that  the  tract  was  written  after  the  Emperor's  death  in  180  A.D. 
— i.e.  at  least  fifteen  years  after  the  events  which  it  professes  to 
narrate.   This  does  not  add  to  its  credibility.   '  Les  Memoir  es,  ecrits 
plusieurs  annees  apres  les  faits,  souvent  meme  a  la  fin  de  la  carriere 
de  1'auteur,  ont  introduit  dans  1'histoire  des  erreurs  innombrables. 
II  faut  se  faire  une  regie  de  traiter  les  Memoires  avec  une  defiance 
speciale,  comme   des   documents   de   seconde  main,  malgre   leur 
apparence  de  temoignages  contemporains  ' :  Introduct.  aux  Etudes 
Historiques,  MM.  Langlois  et  Seignobos,  Paris,  1898,  p.  148. 


60  CHAEACTEKISTICS 

tichos  in  a  ship  provided  for  him  by  Alexander, 
Lucian  observed  the  captain,  who  was  in  tears, 
addressing  the  sailors  ;  and  presently  the  captain 
informed  him  that  he  had  just  succeeded  in 
dissuading  the  sailors  from  obeying  Alexander's 
order  to  them  to  throw  him  (Lucian)  overboard. 
There  is  nothing  inherently  improbable  in  this 
story.  Having  been  bitten  and  publicly  ridi- 
culed by  Lucian,  Alexander  nourished  a  lively 
hatred  against  him.  But  the  only  evidence  we 
have  that  Alexander  actually  proceeded  to 
extremities  and  ordered  Lucian's  death,  is  hear- 
say evidence  of  the  weakest  kind,  i.e.  Lucian's 
report  of  what  the  captain  told  him  Alexander 
had  said.  Such  evidence  carries  little  or  no 
weight  with  it. 

The  intervention  of  the  tearful  captain  is 
in  itself  somewhat  suspicious.  If  Alexander 
actually  attempted  Lucian' s  life,  he  must  have 
either  ordered  the  captain  and  crew  to  drown 
him,  or  offered  them  a  bribe  to  do  so.  The 
first  supposition  is  untenable ;  for  if  Alexander 
possessed  such  power  as  to  be  able  to  order  with 
impunity  the  death  of  a  well-known  rhetorician, 
the  captain  would  have  been  undone  by 
disobeying  him.  It  would,  no  doubt,  have  cost 
him  his  life.  Yet  the  captain  took  his  own 


CHARACTERISTICS  61 

course  without  any  misgivings.  If  then 
Alexander  offered  a  bribe,  why  did  not  the 
captain,  instead  of  making  a  speech,  take  the 
simple  and  natural  step  of  urging  Lucian,  who 
was  then  well  to  do,  to  outbribe  Alexander  ? 
A  bribe  would  have  been  a  far  more  potent 
argument  than  any  that  could  have  been  brought 
forward  by  the  most  eloquent  and  lachrymose 
of  captains.  But  there  are  at  least  two  other 
versions  of  the  transaction  which  are  quite  as 
probable  as  Lucian's.  May  not  the  crew  them- 
selves have  plotted  the  murder  of  their  opulent 
passenger  for  the  sake  of  plunder — such  crimes 
were  not,  and  are  not,  unknown — and  used 
Alexander's  name  to  cover  themselves,  when  the 
captain  discovered  the  plot  ?  Or  may  not  the 
whole  story  have  been  concocted  by  the  captain 
himself,  with  the  object  of  extracting  a  substantial 
thank-offering  from  the  Syrian  traveller  before 
he  disembarked  ?  Whatever  be  the  truth,  there 
was  little  or  no  evidence  to  go  upon,  and  Lucian 
failed  to  get  a  summons  granted  against 
Alexander  :  he  was  able  to  formulate  charges, 
but  unable  to  substantiate  them  before  a 
Roman  magistrate.  This  must  not  be  for- 
gotten when  considering  his  charges  against 
Peregrinus. 


62  CHAEACTERISTICS 

Another  point  to  be  marked  is  Lucian's 
want  of  moderation  in  depicting  an  enemy. 
Peregrinus  and  Alexander  are  painted  in  Indian 
ink — not  one  stroke  of  lighter  tint,  not  one 
redeeming  feature.  Were  they  fictitious  charac- 
ters, we  might  rank  them  with  Jonathan  Wild, 
Count  Fathom  and  Barry  Lyndon.  But  they 
are  alleged  to  have  been  real  men.  No  such 
men  ever  existed  off  the  stage  or  outside  the 
covers  of  a  romance. 

Lucian  gives  us  to  understand  that  he  made 
himself  acquainted  with  Peregrinus'  life  and 
crimes :  he  had  irrefutable  proofs  of  his  mis- 
doings.1 Alas !  not  so  long  since,  a  Minister  of 
State  assured  a  foreign  House  of  Deputies  that 
he  held  in  his  hand  irrefutable  proofs  of  an 
officer's  treason ;  yet  on  examination  these 
proofs  were  found  to  be  forgeries.  We  must 
accept  Lucian's  '  facts  '  with  great  caution. 

Among  many  other  charges,  he  says  Pere- 
grinus murdered  his  own  father,  because  he  was 
sixty  years  of  age.2  Why  did  he  not  murder 
him  the  year  before,  because  he  was  fifty-nine  ? 


/zou  e£  dp\rjs  Trapa(j)v\d£avTOf  rrjvyvd)p.rjv  avrov  KOI  rov 
fiiov  (irtTrjpTjo-avTos  :  Pereg.  8. 

2  ' A7re7ri/i£e  TOV  ytpovra  OVK  afao-^d/xei/os  avrov  inrep 
T}$I]  yTjpStvra  :  Ib.  10. 


CHARACTERISTICS  63 

Probably  no  such  extraordinary  reason  for  com- 
mitting murder  was  ever  given,  before  or  since. 
Two  questions  are  involved  in  this  accusation  : 
first,  was  the  old  man  murdered ;  secondly,  did 
his  son  murder  him  ? 

There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  Lucian 
was  ever  in  Parium  (where  the  alleged  murder 
took  place)  in  his  life :  his  evidence  is  mere 
hearsay.  Let  us,  however,  accept  the  murder  as 
a  fact.  The  question  remains,  did  Peregrinus 
murder  his  father  ?  Lucian 's  evidence  again  is 
hearsay.  But  the  Parians  believed  the  son  to 
be  guilty.  Sixteen  centuries  afterwards  the 
good  people  of  Languedoc  believed  that  Sirven 
murdered  his  daughter,  of  which  crime  (as 
Voltaire  showed)  he  was  quite  innocent.  But 
Peregrinus  fled  to  Palestine.  The  innocent 
Sirven  fled  to  Switzerland.  It  is  needless  to 
pursue  the  matter  further  :  there  is  no  evidence 
to  convict  Peregrinus  of  parricide.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  murder  is  rendered  improbable 
by  the  character  of  Peregrinus  left  to  us  by  a 
sober-minded  Eoman  man  of  letters,  who  knew 
him  well— Aulus  Gellius.  i  I  met  him  when  I 
was  studying  in  Athens,'  he  tells  us.  l  He  was 
a  grave  and  consistent  man,  and  I  frequently 
visited  him  to  enjoy  his  useful  and  sound  con- 


64  CHABACTEBISTICS 

versation.' l  Was  such  a  man  likely  to  have 
murdered  his  father  because  he  was  sixty  years 
of  age  ?  Further,  Lucian  himself  has  made  two 
admissions  which  make  it  still  more  improbable 
that  Peregrinus  murdered  his  father.  First, 
after  remaining  some  time  in  Palestine,  he  re- 
turned to  Parium.  Had  there  been  any  evidence 
of  sufficient  weight  to  convict  him  of  parricide, 
no  man  in  his  senses  would  have  taken  so  rash 
a  step;  but  it  is  just  such  a  step  as  an 
innocent  man  might  have  taken,  who  supposed 
that  the  baseless  rumour  of  his  having  murdered 
his  father  had  been  forgotten.  Secondly,  when 
Peregrinus  was  about  to  leap  into  flames  years 
afterwards,  in  Lucian' s  presence,  he  solemnly 
invoked  the  shades  of  his  father  and  mother  to 
receive  him.2  It  is  almost  incredible  that  a 
parricide  should  dare  to  invoke  the  shade  of  his 
father  with  his  last  breath.  Some  weight  must 
be  given  to  a  dying  man's  last  words,  and 
Lucian  appears  to  have  had  no  sufficient  grounds 
for  his  belief  that  Peregrinus  rushed  to  his  fiery 
death  in  a  transport  of  vanity  and  pride.  There 

1  *  Philosophum  nomine  Peregrinum,  cui  postea  cognomentum 
Proteus  factum  est,  virum  gravem  atque  constantem  vidimus,  cum 
Athenis  essemus  ....  cumque  ad  eum  frequenter  veniremus, 
multa  Hercle  dicere  eum  utiliter  et  honeste  audivimus ' :  Noct. 
Attic,  xii.  11. 

fju)Tp<ooi  Ka\  narpwoi  Bf^aaOf  pt  fvp-fvcls  :  Per  eg.  36. 


CHABACTEEISTICS  65 

must  be  serious  doubts  upon  the  question  in 
every  thoughtful  mind,  and  Peregrinus  ought 
to  have  the  benefit  of  the  doubt.  The  whole 
pamphlet  i  Peregrinus '  displays  clearly  how 
oriental  were  Lucian's  notions  of  law  and 
justice,  and  how  incapable  he  was  of  weighing 
evidence  or  suspending  his*" judgment.1 

How  many  tracts  such  as  l  Alexander '  and 
*  Peregrinus  '  would  we  not  gladly  give  in  ex- 
change for  a  few  more  such  as  i  Imagines '  or 
'  Zeuxis,'  in  which  Lucian  describes  ancient 
works  of  art  ?  Let  us  take  his  description  of 
.ZEtion's  picture,  <  The  Marriage  of  Alexander 
the  Great,'  which  so  delighted  Kafael  that  he 
painted  a  picture  on  the  same  subject.2 

The  scene  is  a  handsome  inner  chamber  with  the  nuptial 
bed  in  it,  on  which  Eoxana,  a  beautiful  girl,  is  reclining  with 
her  eyes  fixed  on  the  ground,  as  though  ashamed  of  looking 
at  Alexander,  who  stands  by.  She  is  attended  by  several 
laughing  Cupids,  one  of  whom  is  raising  her  veil  to  discover 
her  beauty  to  the  bridegroom,  while  another,  in  the  capacity 
of  a  slave,  is  pulling  off  her  slippers.  A  third  lays  hold  of 
Alexander's  robe  and  seems  to  be  drawing  him  with  might 


1  Wieland  doubts  '  whether  Lucian  was   so  impartial  in  his 
judgment  of  Peregrinus  as  might  be  required  from  a  genuine  cos- 
mopolite ' ;  the  Eng.  trans,  of  his  Hist,  of  Peregrinus,  pubd.  in 
London,  1796,  preface,  8. 

2  Liibke  calls  it  a  '  kostliche  Composition  ' :    Rafael's   Leben 
und  WerJce,  186.     It  is  described  in  Guasti's  Raffaello  d1  Urbino, 
ii.  271. 


66  CHARACTERISTICS 

and  main  towards  the  bride.  Alexander  appears  in  the  act 
of  offering  her  a  garland.  Hephaestion  stands  close  to  him, 
with  a  torch  in  his  hand,  leaning  upon  a  handsome  youth, 
whom  I  suppose  to  be  Hymen.  In  another  part  of  the 
picture  are  a  number  of  Cupids  playing  with  Alexander's 
armour.  Two  of  them,  imitating  porters  tottering  under  an 
immense  burden,  are  carrying  his  spear.  At  a  little  distance 
another,  lying  upon  his  shield,  is  borne  aloft,  like  a  king  in 
triumph,  by  several  others ;  whilst  yet  another  gets  into  his 
coat  of  mail  and  conceals  himself,  with  the  evident  design  of 
frightening  the  rest  if  they  come  that  way.1 

In  the  i  Imagines,'  which  contains  a  panegyric 
upon  Panthea,  the  mistress  of  the  Emperor 
Lucius  Verus,  Lucian  supposes  the  creation  of 
a  statue  of  perfect  grace  and  beauty  by  uniting 
together  parts  of  celebrated  existing  statues. 

From  the  Cnidian  Venus,  he  says,  I  shall  take  the  head 
alone  ;  the  forehead,  hair,  and  perfect  shape  of  the  eyebrows 
shall  be  exactly  as  Praxiteles  has  made  them,  together  with 
that  swimming  softness  and  vivacity  of  the  eyes  which  he 
has  so  well  represented.  The  cheeks  and  expression  of  the 
face,  the  well-proportioned  wrists,  and  the  fingers  tapering 
gently  towards  the  tips,  shall  be  taken  from  the  Celestial 
Venus  of  Alcamenes.  Phidias  and  his  Athene  of  the 
Lemnians  shall  supply  us  with  the  contour  of  the  face  and 
the  happy  proportion  of  the  nose.  The  lips  and  neck  shall 
be  taken  from  the  Amazon  of  the  same  artist.  From 
Calamis  we  shall  borrow  the  simple  dignity  of  his  Sosandra, 
her  solemn  and  almost  imperceptible  smile,  and  her  be- 
coming and  modest  robe.2 

1  Herodotus,  5. 

2  Imag.  6.     Above  and  elsewhere,  I  have  made  free  use  of  the 
translations  made  by  Greek  scholars.     To  them  must  be  left  the 


CHARACTERISTICS  67 

From   beauty   of  body   he  passes   to  beauty   of 
mind. 

She  is  not  puffed  up  by  her  good  fortune,  nor  does  she 
rely  over-much  on  human  prosperity.  She  is  neither 
insolent  nor  ridiculous,  but  keeps  upon  the  level.  She  is 
affable  to  all  and  treats  all  as  her  equals,  without  pomp  or 
affectation  :  conduct  so  much  the  more  agreeable  as  coming 
from  a  person  of  her  position^.  Those  who,  like  her,  use 
their  riches,  not  for  pride  and  ostentation,  but  for  charity 
and  benevolence,  are  worthy  of  any  gifts  Fortune  may  bestow 
upon  them.  They  alone  escape  envy ;  for  none  can  grudge 
riches  to  those  who  enjoy  them  with  temperance  and  modera- 
tion, and  who,  unlike  Homer's  Ate,1  shrink  from  stalking 
over  the  heads  of  men  and  trampling  upon  everything 
beneath  them.  Arrogance  and  bluster  belong  to  low, 
grovelling  souls  unused  to  riches  and  prosperity.  When 
Fortune  lifts  up  such  men  and  seats  them  in  her  high  and 
winged  chariot,  they  scorn  to  look  below  and  soar  into  the 
clouds.  But  their  wings  melt  presently,  like  those  of  Icarus, 
and  they  fall  into  the  waves,  amid  the  scorn  and  derision  of 
all.  On  the  other  hand,  those  fly  with  ease  and  safety  who, 
remembering  their  wings  are  but  of  wax,  aspire  not  too  high, 
content  to  be  borne  along  just  above  the  waves  and  to  dip 
their  pinions  in  them.  And  thus  the  lady  of  whom  we  were 
speaking  gains  universal  admiration  ;  for  all  wish  that  thosa 
wings  may  ever  remain  unharmed  which  scatter  blessings  on 
all  around  them.2 

We  pass  from  this  vision  of  light  and  beauty 
to  the  gloomy  picture  of  human  life  and  destiny 

explanation,  or  emendation,  of  the  phrase  oa-a  rj}?  oceans  avraird,  a 
few  lines  higher  up,  which  I  have  translated,  *  the  expression  of 
the  face.' 

1  Injustice  swift,  erect  and  unconfined, 
Sweeps  the  wide  earth  and  tramples  on  mankind. 
-  Imag.  21.  Iliad,  xix.  92  (Pope). 

T  -2 


68  CHARACTERISTICS 

painted  in  the  '  Contemplantes.'  1 1  want  to  see 
what  human  life  really  is,'  says  Charon  to 
Mercury,  <  in  order  to  discover,  if  possible,  why 
no  ghost  ever  crosses  the  Styx  without  tears.' 
They  accordingly  ascend  Parnassus  and  from  its 
summit  observe  the  ways  of  men. 

Charon.  Who  is  that  enormous  man  who  overtops  those 
around  him  by  the  head  and  shoulders  ? 

Mercury.  That  is  Milo,  the  wrestler  of  Croton.  The 
crowd  are  cheering  him  for  carrying  a  bull  across  the  race- 
course. 

Charon.  Do  you  think  he  ever  expects  to  die  ? 

Mercury.  How  could  the  thought  of  death  ever  occur  to 
a  man  of  such  vigour  ? 

Charon.  Yet  he  will  be  shortly  sailing  in  my  boat,  unable 
to  raise  a  gnat,  much  less  a  bull.  Who  is  that  dignified 
man  there  :  not  a  Greek,  to  judge  from  his  dress  ? 

Mercury.  He  is  Cyrus,  the  son  of  Cambyses,  the 
conqueror  of  the  Medes.  At  present  he  is  about  to  attack 
Croesus  .  .  .  whom  you  may  see  if  you  look  into  that  great 
citadel  with  the  triple  wall,  Sardis.  He  is  reclining  on  a 
golden  couch,  discoursing  with  Solon,  the  Athenian.  Would 
you  care  to  overhear  their  conversation  ? 

Charon.  Very  much  indeed. 


Croesus.  Athenian  guest !  You  have  seen  my  riches  and 
jewels  and  uncoined  gold  :  tell  me,  whom  of  all  men  do  you 
think  the  happiest  ? 

Solon.  Few  are  truly  happy,  O  King!  but  of  those  I 
knew,  I  think  Cleobis  and  Biton,  sons  of  the  priestess,  were 
the  happiest.  They  attempted  to  draw  their  mother  to  the 
temple  in  a  chariot,  and  died  together  in  the  effort. 

Crcesus.  They  may  be  the  happiest,  but  who  comes  next  ? 


CHARACTERISTICS  69 

Solon.  Tellus,  the  Athenian,  who  lived  virtuously  and 
died  for  his  country. 

Croesus.  But  do  not  I,  wretched  man,  seem  to  be  happy  ? 

Solon.  I  do  not  yet  know,  O  King,  nor  can  anyone  know, 
until  you  have  reached  the  last  hour  of  your  life.  Death  is 
the  grand  criterion  :  to  have  lived  happily  even  to  the  end. 


Mercury.  The  Lydian  monarch  cannot  endure  Solon's 
plain  words  ;  he  cannot  understand  how  a  poor  man  should 
speak  his  mind  to  a  king  without  trembling.  But  he  will 
shortly  have  only  too  good  reason  to  remember  Solon's 
words,  when  he  is  dragged  to  his  funeral  pyre  by  the  order  of 
Cyrus  .  .  .  And  Cyrus  himself  will  be  done  to  death  by  the 
Massagetian  Queen,  whom  you  may  see  riding  yonder  on  a 
white  horse.  .  .  .  She  is  Tomyris,  who  will  cut  off  Cyrus' 
head  and  throw  it  into  a  bag  full  of  blood.  .  .  .  That  young 
man,  not  far  off,  is  his  son,  Cambyses,  who  having  been  dis- 
appointed in  ten  thousand  projects,  will  die  mad. 

Charon.  Mercury,  who  is  that  in  a  purple  robe, — the  man 
with  a  diadem,  to  whom  a  cook  is  offering  the  ring  he  has 
found  in  a  fish  ? 

Mercury.  Polycrates,  the  Samian  ruler,  who  thinks  he  is 
very  happy.  Yet  this  unfortunate  prince  is  about  to  be 
betrayed  to  the  Satrap,  Oroetes,  who  will  impale  him — 
betrayed  by  his  servant,  Maeandrius,  who  is  now  standing 
behind  him. 

Do  you  observe  that  multitude,  some  of  them  sailing, 
some  fighting,  some  litigating,  some  tilling  the  land,  some 
exacting  usury,  some  begging  ? 

Charon.  I  see  a  motley  and  confused  crowd.  Their 
cities  are  in  truth  like  hives  :  each  man  has  his  sting  and 
stings  his  neighbour.  Some  of  them,  like  wasps,  are 
pillaging  the  weaker  ones.  But  what  are  those  forms 
hovering  over  them  unperceived  ? 

Mercury.  Hope  and  Fear,  Folly  and  Pleasure,  Avarice, 
Passion  and  Hatred.  Fear  falls  upon  them  sometimes, 


70  CHABACTEKISTICS 

and  terrifies  them.  Each  man  imagines  he  will  succeed  in 
catching  one  of  the  Hopes  fluttering  round  his  head;  yet 
just  as  he  extends  his  hand  to  seize  it,  it  evades  his  grasp 
and  leaves  him  disconsolate.  You  may  observe  that  each 
man  is  suspended  by  a  thread  fine  as  cobweb,  which  is 
attached  to  a  spindle  wound  by  the  Fates. 

Charon.  I  see  them ;  and,  for  the  most  part,  this  man's 
thread  is  attached  to  that  man's,  and  that  man's  to  another's. 

Mercury.  Just  so.  It  is  destined  that  this  man  shall  be 
killed  by  that,  and  he  by  some  other ;  or  this  man  shall  be 
that  man's  heir,  and  this  other  man  the  heir  of  some  one  else 
whose  thread  is  the  shorter.  See,  a  man  is  being  elevated  by 
his  thread  above  the  others.  In  a  brief  time  his  thread  will 
break  and  he  will  fall  to  the  ground  with  much  noise ;  while 
another,  who  has  been  raised  just  above  the  ground,  will  fall 
so  gently  that  his  neighbours  will  not  be  aware  of  his  mishap. 

Charon.  Eidiculous  ! 

Mercury.  Eidiculous,  in  truth,  their  insensate  pursuit  of 
trifles,  and  their  disappointment,  in  the  midst  of  their  hopes, 
when  Death  calls  them  away.  As  you  see,  he  has  many 
agents  busy  among  them,  Agues,  Fevers,  Consumptions, 
Swords,  Eobberies,  Hemlock,  Judges  and  Tyrants.  .  .  .  Did 
they  but  bear  in  mind  that  they  are  mortal,  and  that  after  a 
short  sojourn  in  life  they  must  depart,  as  from  a  dream, 
leaving  behind  their  all,  they  would  live  with  more  prudence 
and  die  with  less  regret.  .  .  .  How  would  a  man  bear  him- 
self, were  he  told  by  the  Fates  that  he  was  never  to  dine  in 
the  house  he  is  building  ;  that  no  sooner  shall  the  roof  be 
put  upon  it  than  he  shall  be  summoned  to  his  grave,  leaving 
his  heir  to  enjoy  the  house  ?  A  man  yonder  has  called  his 
friends  together,  and  is  rejoicing  because  his  wife  has  brought 
forth  a  male  child.  How  deeply  would  he  be  affected  to 
learn  that  the  child  shall  die  at  the  age  of  seven?  Why 
would  he  be  so  troubled  ?  Because  his  attention  has  been 
so  fixed  upon  his  fortunate  friend  whose  son  has  just  been 
proclaimed  a  victor  at  the  Olympic  Games,  that  he  has  not 
cast  a  glance  upon  the  neighbour  who  is  carrying  his  son  to 
the  grave. 


CHAEACTEEISTICS  71 

Charon.  What  pleasure  can  they  find  in  such  a  life  ;  what 
loss  do  they  suffer  from  death  that  makes  them  so  unwilling 
to  die  ?  .  .  .  They  are  but  bubbles  on  a  stream.  Some  are 
small,  burst  almost  immediately,  and  disappear  ;  while  others, 
inflated  with  a  little  more  breath,  float  further  on  ere  they 
perish.1  .  .  .  Before  we  descend  let  me  see  the  repositories 
of  the  corpses. 

Mercury.  Those  mounds  before  the  cities,  marked  by 
columns  and  pyramids,  are  the  receptacles  of  the  corpses. 

Charon.  But  why  do  they  crown  these  stones  ? 

Mercury.  I  know  not. 

Charon.  Vain  mortals  !  '  The  tombless  man  and  he  who 
hath  obtained  a  tomb  are  gone  alike  to  the  realms  below. 
Irus  the  beggar  and  King  Agamemnon  dwell  there  in  equal 
honour:  the  beautiful  son  of  Thetis  is  indistinguishable 
from  the  hideous  Thersites.  Naked  and  forlorn,  they  wander 
sadly  through  the  fields  of  asphodel.'  .  .  .  But  let  me  see,  ere 
we  part,  some  of  the  great  cities  I  have  heard  of  below. 

Mercury.  Nineveh  has  been  destroyed  and  no  vestige  of 
it  remains.  There  is  Babylon,  with  its  towers  and  great 
walls ;  yet  it,  too,  must  fall,  and  after  no  long  time  will  be 
sought  for  in  vain.  Mycenae,  Cleonse,  and,  above  all,  Ilium 
I  am  almost  afraid  to  show  you,  lest  you  may  throttle  Homer 
on  your  return  to  the  Shades  for  the  bombast  of  his  verses. 
These  cities  were  once  prosperous,  but  they  are  now  dead : 
cities,  like  men,  can  die.  And  rivers,  too  :  not  even  the 
channel  of  the  Inachus  is  still  left  in  Argos.2 


1  How  little  do  we  know  that  which  we  are  1 

How  less  what  we  may  be  !     The  eternal  surge 
Of  time  and  tide  rolls  on,  and  bears  afar 

Our  bubbles ;  as  the  old  burst,  new  emerge, 
Lash'd  from  the  foam  of  ages  ;  while  the  graves 
Of  empires  heave  but  like  some  passing  waves. 

Don  Jucvn,  xv.  99. 

3  '  At  present  the  Sarasvati  is  so  small  a  river  that  the  epithets 
applied  to  it  in  the  Veda  have  become  quite  inapplicable.' — Sir 
Max  Miiller's  Vedic  Hymns,  p.  60. 


72  CHAEACTEEISTICS 

Charon.  Who  are  those  men  fighting  there,  and  why  do 
they  kill  one  another? 

Mercury.  They  are  Argives  and  Spartans,  and  the  dying 
general  who  inscribes  the  trophy  with  his  own  blood  is 
Othryades. 

Charon.  What  is  the  cause  of  the  war  ? 

Mercury.  The  very  plain  they  are  fighting  on. 

Charon.  Blind  folly  !  Were  either  army  to  gain  the 
whole  Peloponnesus,  not  one  of  the  victors  would  receive 
another  foot  of  ground  from  JEacus.  Ere  long,  others  will 
be  tilling  the  plain,  and  the  plough  will  tear  up  the  trophy 
from  its  foundations.  .  .  .  Strange  are  the  affairs  of  men, — 
Kings,  gold,  sacrifices,  battles ;  but  of  Charon — not  a  word. 

One  thing  seems  to  be  quite  certain  :  there 
was  no  tincture  of  theopathyin  Lucian's  nature. 
Wordsworth's  lines  would  have  conveyed  no 
meaning  to  him  : — 

Oh !  there  is  life  that  breathes  not ;  Powers  there  are 
That  touch  each  other  to  the  quick  in  modes 
Which  the  gross  world  no  sense  hath  to  perceive, 
No  soul  to  dream  of.  .  .  -1 

It  is  comparatively  easy  to  give  the  reader 
a  rough  representation  of  Lucian's  meaning 
when  treating  on  Art  and  man's  life  and 
destiny  ;  but,  most  unfortunately,  it  is  extremely 
difficult  to  give  any  one  unacquainted  with  Greek 
a  clear  and  adequate  notion  of  his  great  wit  and 
humour.  The  reasons  are  not  hard  to  find. 

1  Kilchurn  Castle. 


CHAEACTEEISTICS  73 

First,  it  is  impossible  to  translate  a 
humourist  into  any  foreign  language  without 
doing  him  grievous  hurt.  For  example,  take 
the  German  translation  of  *  Pickwick,'  to  which 
(I  believe)  two  Germans  and  an  Englishman 
devoted  their  best  energies  for  a  considerable 
time.  It  is  a  meritorious  translation,  but  no 
Englishman  can  read  it  without  feeling  that  (of 
necessity)  much  humour  has  been  lost.  All 
English  translations  of  Moliere  and  Cervantes 
labour  under  the  same  necessary  defect. 

Secondly,  there  is  a  difficulty  which  will  be 
best  explained  by  an  example.  Eead  Sydney 
Smith's  'Plymley  Letters/  and  then  read  the 
extracts  from  them  given  in  the  '  Wit  and 
Wisdom  of  Sydney  Smith.'  The  words  in  both 
cases  are  the  same,  but  the  effect  produced  is 
very  different.  Why  is  this  ?  Because  in  the 
latter  work  Sydney  Smith's  witticisms  and 
humours  and  drolleries  have  been  torn  from 
their  original  setting.  The  cunning  jeweller 
knows  best  how  to  set  his  gems.  Buy  an 
emerald  brooch,  and  then  remove  the  stone  from 
its  setting.  The  stone  remains  the  same,  but 
it  will  be  found  to  have  lost  something  of  its 
brilliancy  and  beauty. 

Having  explained  the  difficulties  that  lie  in 


74  CHAEACTEEISTICS 

the  way,  I  shall  endeavour  to  give  some  faint 
notion  of  Lucian's  wit  and  humour. 

After  two  or  three  ordinary  sentences,  we 
often  meet  with  a  sally  of  humour  wrhich  seems 
all  the  brighter  for  its  plain  l  setting.' 

6  Where  have  they  buried  you  ? '  asks 
Diogenes  of  Alexander  the  Great,  on  his  arrival 
in  the  Shades.  '  Nowhere,  as  yet,'  replies  the 
disconsolate  monarch.  '  This  is  the  third  day 
that  I  am  lying  in  state  in  Babylon.' 1 

He  exposes  the  habitual  miscarriage  of 
justice  in  the  Athenian  law-courts  in  one  short 
but  admirable  sentence.  Justice  is  ordered  by 
Jupiter  to  descend  to  Athens,  accompanied 
by  Mercury,  to  decide  certain  cases.  On  the 
way  down  her  movements  are  so  erratic  that 
Mercury  at  length  exclaims  : — '  why,  you  seem 
to  have  forgotten  the  way  ! ' 2 

His  brief  description  of  Truth  in  '  Piscator ' 
is  very  fine.  Philosophy  points  out  to  him 
Temperance  and  Justice,  and  adds  : — c  yonder 
colourless  and  almost  imperceptible  form  is 
Truth.'  '  I  do  not  see  her,'  replies  Lucian. 
'  Do  you  not  see  her  there,  naked  and  unadorned, 
shrinking  back  and  seemingly  trying  to  elude 
us?  '  answers  Philosophy.3 

1  Dial  Mort.  13.  -  Bis  Accus.  8.  3  Pise.  16. 


CHAKACTEKISTICS  75 

The  leading  philosophers  in  '  Piscator ' 
declare  that  they  will  lay  their  charges  against 
Lucian  before  Philosophy  herself.  '  Do  so,  by 
all  means,'  replies  Lucian ;  <  but  where  are  you 
to  find  her?  I  know  not  where  she  lives:  1 
have  searched  for  her  house  long  and  vainly. 
Meeting  with  many  cloaked  and  bearded  persons 
— your  own  followers — who  declared  they  had 
just  come  from  her,  I  begged  them  to  direct 
me  to  her  house ;  but  while  some  of  them 
returned  me  no  answer  at  all,  others  pointed 
out,  some  one,  some  another  door.' l  Lucian's 
failure  to  find  Philosophy  among  the  philoso- 
phers calls  to  mind  the  failure  of  the  archangel 
Michael  to  find  Silence  among  the  monks.  '  I 
shall  certainly  find  her,'  said  the  angel  to 
himself,  as  he  descended  in  great  haste  from 
Heaven  :  ' I  shall  certainly  find  her 

In  these  deep  solitudes  and  awful  cells, 
Where  heav'nly-pensive  contemplation  dwells, 
And  ever-musing  melancholy  reigns, — 

in  the  monasteries.  Is  not  her  name  inscribed 
in  their  choirs,  their  dormitories,  their  re- 
fectories ?  Yes,  she  must  be  there  ! '  But  no 
sooner  had  he  put  foot  in  the  cloisters  than  he 

1  Pise.  11. 


76  CHAEACTEBISTICS 

found  he  was  mistaken.  She  was  not  there, 
although  her  name  was  still  on  the  door.  She 
had  lived  there,  but  that  was  in  years  long  past : 

Ma  dalla  opinion  sua  ritrovosse 
Tosto  ingannato,  che  nel  chiostro  venne  : 
Non  e  Silenzio  quivi ;  e  gli  fu  ditto 
Che  non  v'  abita  piu,  fuorche  in  iscritto. 

Ben  vi  fur  gia,  ma  nell'  antiqua  etade.1 

The  sudden  exposure  of  men's  private  affairs 
may  be  disastrous  to  the  reputation  of  even  the 
pious.  A  Cynic  in  i  Piscator,'  fearing  to  undergo 
cross-examination  before  Philosophy,  Virtue  and 
Truth,  flies  in  such  confusion  that  he  leaves  his 
bag  behind  him.  *  Open  it,'  says  Philosophy : 
*  the  Cynics  mortify  the  flesh,  and  you  will  only 
find  a  few  beans  and  black  bread,  or  perhaps  a 
book.'  '  Not  at  all,'  says  Parrhesiades,  producing 
the  contents ; — l  gold,  perfume,  a  sacrificial 
knife,  a  looking-glass,  and — dice  ! '  An  ex- 
cellent chaplain  of  Newgate  was  once  much  in 
the  same  case.  He  was  seated  in  a  cart  im- 
parting the  consolations  of  the  Gospel  to 
Jonathan  Wild  who,  amid  the  execrations  of 
the  populace,  was  being  conveyed  to  Tyburn  to 
be  hanged.  But  Wild's  mind  was  not  fixed 
on  things  above :  he  was  pining  for  a  last 

1  Ariosto,  Orlando  Furioso,  xiv.  80-1.  3  45. 


CHARACTERISTICS  77 

opportunity  of  exercising  an  art  of  which  he 
was  master.  The  chaplain's  attention  being  for 
the  moment  occupied  in  the  performance  of  his 
last  office,  Wild  could  not  resist  the  temptation  : 
in  the  midst  of  a  shower  of  oaths  and  stones, 
'  he  applied  his  hand  to  the  parson's  pocket  and 
emptied  it  of  his  bottle-sarew,  which  he  carried 
out  of  the  world  in  his  hand.' l 

Aristenetus  gives  a  dinner  to  a  few  friends 
at  Athens  and  omits  to  invite  a  neighbouring 
philosopher,  one  Etcemocles.  In  the  middle  of 
the  dinner  a  letter  arrives  from  the  sage,  of 
which  the  following  is  an  extract : — 

Etoemocles  the  philosopher  to  Aristenetus,  greeting  ! 

My  past  life  bears  witness  to  the  contempt  I  entertain 
for  dinners.  Overwhelmed  as  I  am  daily  by  invitations 
from  persons  wealthier  than  you,  I  have  never,  on  principle, 
yielded  to  their  importunity ;  knowing  that  these  dinners 
give  rise  generally  to  riot  and  inebriety.  But  this  fact  does 
not  lessen  the  mortification  I  feel  at  your  omission  to  invite 
me  to-day,  notwithstanding  the  assiduous  court  I  have  ever 
paid  you.  But  in  truth  I  am  more  grieved  on  your  account 
than  on  my  own, — grieved  to  find  you  have  so  ungrateful  a 
heart.  I  am  not  a  man  whose  happiness  depends  on  a  plate 
of  wild  boar  or  hare  or  pastry :  I  am  supplied  with  these 
good  things,  even  to  satiety,  by  persons  of  birth  and  breeding. 
As  proof  of  what  I  say,  I  may  mention  that,  although  bidden 
to-day  by  my  disciple  Pamenes  to  a  feast  (which  they  tell 
me  was  sumptuous),  I  refused  the  invitation  and  foolishly 
reserved  myself  for  you.  You  cannot  say  that  you  forgot  me 
in  the  hurry  of  the  preparations  for  your  dinner,  for  I  twice 
1  Fielding's  Jonathan  Wild. 


78  CHARACTERISTICS 

addressed  you  personally  this  very  day  :  once,  not  many 
paces  from  your  own  door,  and  again  in  the  Temple  of  the 
Dioscuri,  where  you  were  offering  sacrifice.  In  case  it  may 
occur  to  you  to  send  me  by  my  servant  a  slice  of  wild-boar, 
venison  or  pastry  (as  some  compensation  for  the  dinner  I 
have  lost),  let  me  say  that  I  have  strictly  forbidden  him  to 
be  the  bearer  of  any  such  gift,  lest  you  might  suspect  I  had 
sent  him  with  so  mean  an  object.1 

If  this  letter  afford  us  any  amusement,  how 
much  more  amusement  must  it  have  afforded 
Lucian's  contemporaries,  who  knew  Etoemocles 
and  his  like  ? 

Impelled  by  curiosity,  says  Lucian  in  the  '  Verse  Historise,' 
I  embarked  at  the  Pillars  of  Hercules  with  fifty  others  in  a 
stout  ship,  commanded  by  a  skilful  captain,  with  intent  to 
make  a  voyage  of  discovery  in  the  Western  Ocean. 

Things  went  well  with  us  at  first ;  but  the  second  day 
out  the  wind  increased,  the  sea  got  up,  and  so  thick  a  dark- 
ness fell  upon  us  that  we  could  not  see  to  strike  our  sails. 
We  were  tossed  in  this  tempest  for  threescore  and  nineteen 
days.  On  the  fourthscore  day  the  sun  broke  out,  and  we 
descried  not  far  off  a  mountainous  island  covered  with  forest. 
Here  we  put  in,  full  of  misery,  and  threw  ourselves  upon  the 
ground  to  rest.  When  sufficiently  refreshed,  a  party  of  us 
went  to  discover  the  island,  and  presently  we  lighted  upon  a 
brazen  pillar  on  which  was  engraven  in  much-worn  Greek 
letters  : — '  Thus  far  Hercules  and  Bacchus.''  Near  the  pillar 
we  saw  two  foot -prints  in  the  rock,  one  about  one  hundred 
feet  long,  the  other  less  ;  and  we  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  lesser  was  that  of  Bacchus,  the  other  that  of  Hercules.2 

1  Convivium,  22-7. 

2  Lucian  is  ridiculing  Herodotus :    '  the   Scythians   show  the 
footprint  of  Hercules  upon  a  rock,  near  the  river  Tyras,  which  is 
one  yard  in  length  ' :  iv.  82. 


CHARACTERISTICS  79 

After  prostrating  ourselves  before  them,  we  proceeded 
onward  and  presently  came  across  a  river  of  wine  in  no  way 
inferior  to  Chian.  The  river  originated  in  a  vast  forest  of 
vines,  which  distilled  wine  from  their  roots.  It  was  well 
stored  with  fish,  but  all  those  who  ate  them  became  quite 
drunk.  On  opening  the  fish  to  discover  the  cause,  we  found 
they  were  full  of  lees.  It  was  now  quite  clear  to  us  all  that, 
as  the  inscription  stated,  Bacchus  had  visited  the  place. 

Passing  onward  we  came  upon  a  forest  of  vines  with 
stout  trunks,  but  the  tops  were  women  from  the  hips  upwards, 
somewhat  resembling  the  pictures  one  has  seen  of  Daphne 
who  was  turned  into  a  tree  when  overtaken  by  Apollo.  .  .  . 
Next  day  we  put  to  sea  again  with  a  gentle  wind ;  but  about 
noon  we  were  struck  suddenly  by  a  whirlwind  which  lifted 
the  ship  bodily  out  of  the  sea  and  raised  it  some  thousands 
of  yards  into  the  air,  where  it  continued  to  blow  us  along  for 
seven  days.  On  the  eighth  we  succeeded  in  landing  upon 
an  island  floating  in  the  air,  which,  as  we  approached  it, 
shone  brightly  in  the  sunlight.1  The  fields  were  cultivated, 
and  on  going  inland  we  were  received  kindly  by  the 
inhabitants,  Hippogypians  or  horse-vultures,  as  they  are 
called.  They  are  simply  men  who  ride  on  vultures.  These 
vultures  have  three  heads,  and  are  so  large  that  each  feather 
in  their  wings  is  longer  and  thicker  than  the  mast  of  a  ship^ 
On  being  presented  to  the  King,  we  found  that  he  was  the 
Greek,  Endymion,  who  had  been  long  since  rapt  up  from 
the  earth  and  made  King  of  the  country ;  and  that  the 
country  was  no  other  than  the  Moon.  We  enquired  about 
the  cause  of  the  war  he  was  waging  against  Phaethon,  King 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Sun  ;  and  he  said  it  was  occasioned 
by  his  attempting  to  colonise  the  Morning  Star,  which 
hitherto  had  been  uninhabited  and  desolate.  This  had 


1  \afj.7rpa.v  /cat  .  .  .  <£>O>TI  /leyaAa)  KaTa\an7rofj.evT)v,  i.  10.  Swift  has 
borrowed  this  passage  almost  literally  :  '  the  island  appeared  to  be 
a  firm  substance  ....  shining  very  bright,  from  the  reflection  of 
the  sea  below  ' :  Voyage  to  Laputa<  chap.  i. 


80  CHAEACTEEISTICS 

excited  Phaethon's  envy,  and  hence  the  war.  On  his 
promising  to  provide  us  with  vultures  and  arms,  we  volun- 
teered to  fight  in  the  battle  which  was  expected  to  take 
place  the  next  day. 

Our  forces  amounted  to  about  100,000,  besides  Engineers 
and  foreign  Allies.  Among  the  latter  were  30,000  Psyllo- 
toxotans  from  the  Great  Bear,  each  of  whom  rode  a  flea  as 
big  as  a  dozen  elephants,  and  50,000  Anemodromians,  who 
flew  through  the  air  by  means  of  long  cloaks  which  acted 
much  the  same  as  wings.  A  large  force  was  expected  from 
the  stars  above  Cappadocia,  but  whether  they  arrived  or  not 
I  do  not  know.  .  .  . 

The  right  wing  of  our  army  was  composed  of  Hippo- 
gypians,  and  was  commanded  by  the  King  in  person.  The 
Lachanopters  (who  rode  on  a  mighty  fowl,  with  wings  of 
lettuce  leaves  and  wort  leaves  instead  of  feathers)  formed 
the  left  wing,  the  Allies  being  in  the  centre.  As  the  Moon 
abounds  in  spiders,  each  as  large  as  one  of  the  Cyclades,  the 
King  requested  them  to  spin  a  web  between  the  Moon  and 
the  Morning  Star.  They  carried  out  his  wishes  at  once,  and 
thus  afforded  firm  standing-ground  for  the  Infantry,  com- 
manded by  Nycterion.  The  left  wing  of  the  enemy  consisted 
of  50,000  Hippomyrmicks,  commanded  by  Phaethon  himself. 
These  soldiers  ride  upon  large,  winged  brutes,  which  look 
like  magnified  emmets.  The  biggest  occupy  over  an  acre. 
Not  only  do  they  carry  soldiers  on  their  backs,  but  they 
themselves  do  much  damage  with  their  horns.  Their  right 
wing  was  formed  of  Aeroconopes,  archers  riding  upon  huge 
gnats,  together  with  the  Aerocardakes,  who  discharged 
turnips  to  a  great  distance  from  slings.  Those  hit  by  the 
turnips  die  from  the  stench  of  their  wounds.  Behind  them 
were  drawn  up  50,000  Caulomycetes,  with  shields  of  mush- 
rooms and  spears  of  asparagus  stalks.  There  were  also 
Allies  from  the  Dog  Star  in  their  ranks,  Cynobalanians,  dog- 
faced  men  mounted  upon  winged  acorns.  The  auxiliaries 
from  the  Milky  Way  and  the  Nephelocentaurs  arrived  too 
lata  for  the  first  encounter.  ...  In  this  battle  the  Helians 


CHAEACTEKISTICS  81 

or  Sun-soldiers)  were  completely  beaten  by  the  Selenians 
(or  Moon-soldiers),  who  forthwith  proceeded  to  erect  two 
trophies.  But  hardly  had  they  done  so  than  a  cry  was 
raised  that  the  Nephelocentaurs  (who  had  at  length  arrived) 
were  upon  them.  These  winged  men  joined  to  winged 
horses  were  a  strange  sight.  The  part  that  resembled  man- 
kind, which  was  from  the  waist  upwards,  was  as  large  as  the 
Colossus  of  Ehodes ;  while  the  part  that  was  like  a  horse 
was  as  big  as  a  ship  of  burden.^  This  marvellous  force  waa 
commanded  by  Sagittarius  from  the  Zodiac.  Finding  on 
their  arrival  that  the  Helians  had  been  defeated,  they  at  once 
fell  upon  the  Selenians,  who  were  disordered  by  the  pursuit 
and  had  scattered  for  plunder ;  put  them  to  flight,  pursued 
the  King  to  his  capital,  and  killed  most  of  his  vultures.  But 
they  did  not  besiege  the  capital.  Far  worse,  they  built  a 
double  wall  of  clouds  to  prevent  the  light  of  the  Sun  from 
shining  upon  the  Moon,  and  thus  plunged  all  things  lunar 
in  perpetual  night.  This  was  so  serious  an  evil  that 
Endymion  sent  ambassadors  to  sue  for  peace ;  and  after 

some  diplomacy,  the  following  treaty  was  made  :  — 

1°.  the  Helians  to  remove  the  wall  and  deliver  up  the 

prisoners  they  have  taken  for  a  certain  ransom ; 

2°.  the  Selenians  to  respect  the  independence  of  other 

stars  ; 

3°.  either  of  the  contracting  parties  to  assist  the  other  if 

invaded ; 

4°.  the  King  of  the  Selenians  to  pay  a  tribute  of  10,000 

vessels   of   dew   and   to  deliver   10,000    of    his  people   as 

hostages ; 

5°.  the  colony  to  the   Morning  Star  to  be  supplied  by 

both  of  the  contracting  parties  ; 

6°.  the  foregoing   articles   of  peace  to  be  engraved  on 

amber  pillars  and  set  up  in  both  states. 

Signed  on  behalf  of  the  Helians  by 
Pyronides, 
Therites, 
Phlogius. 


82  CHAEACTEEISTICS 

Signed  on  behalf  of  the  Selenians  by 
Nyctor, 
Menius, 
Polylampes. 

Shortly  after  the  signing  of  the  treaty,  I  (Lucian)  and  my 
companions  departed,  notwithstanding  the  pressing  invita- 
tion of  Endymion  to  remain. 

I  may  mention  that  when  a  lunar  man  is  come  to  his 
full  age,  he  does  not  die,  but  is  dissolved  like  smoke  and 
turns  into  air.  For  food,  they  inhale  the  steam  that  rises 
from  broiling  frogs ;  and  for  drink,  they  have  air  beaten  in 
a  mortar,  which  produces  a  moisture  somewhat  like  dew. 
They  have  eyes  which  they  can  take  in  and  out  as  they 
please.  Many,  when  they  have  lost  their  own  eyes,  borrow 
those  of  others.  .  . 

After  many  adventures  we  reached  the  aerial  city  of  lights, 
Lychnopolis.  Here  not  a  man  was  to  be  seen,  but  only  a 
great  number  of  lamps  running  to  and  fro.  .  .  .  Their  court 
of  justice  stands  in  the  middle  of  the  city,  and  the  Governor 
sits  there  all  night,  on  occasion  calling  every  lamp  by  name. 
The  lamp,  or  lantern,  that  answers  not  is  adjudged  to  die  as 
a  deserter.  Their  death  is,  to  be  put  out.  .  .  .* 

The  fourth  day  out  from  Lychnopolis  we  descended 
imperceptibly  through  the  air,  and  to  our  inexpressible  joy 
found  ourselves  once  more  upon  the  sea.  Two  days  after- 
wards we  came  across  some  monstrous  fish,  and  eventually 
a  whale  1.70  miles  long  swallowed  us  up,  ship  and  all.  .  .  . 
Within  him  were  earth  and  hills,  with  trees  and  all  manner 
of  herbs,  and  there  were  evident  signs  of  cultivation.  .  .  . 
Exploring  a  wood,  we  came  across  a  temple  dedicated  to 
Neptune  and  several  graves  with  pillars  upon  them.  Even- 
tually we  heard  the  barking  of  a  dog,  and  found  an  old 
Cypriote  and  his  son  engaged  in  gardening.  Seven  and 
twenty  years  had  elapsed  since  they  had  been  swallowed  by 

1  Rabelais,  who  appropriated  Lychnopolis,  has  strangely  over- 
looked this  fine  stroke :  Pant.  v.  chaps,  xxxii.  xxxiii. 


CHAEACTEEISTICS  83 

the  whale,  and  they  would  be  willing  enough  to  remain,  they 
said,  but  for  the  perverse  and  troublesome  character  of  their 
neighbours,  —  several  different  tribes,  numbering  in  all  about 
1,000  men.  For  peace'  sake,  the  old  man  said,  he  paid  a 
yearly  tribute  of  500  oysters  to  the  Psettopodians.  On 
finding  that  these  truculent  people  had  no  arms  but  the 
bones  of  fishes,  we  determined  to  raise  a  war  by  refusing  to 
pay  the  tribute,  which  was  then  due.  We  gave  a  haughty 
and  scornful  answer  to  the  messengers  sent  to  demand  it  ; 
and  this  led,  as  we  had  intended^  to  the  outbreak  of  hostilities. 
In  the  battle  which  ensued  we  routed  the  Psettopodians, 
killing  one  hundred,  three  score  and  ten  of  them,  while  we 
ourselves  lost  but  one  man  besides  Trigles,  our  captain,  who 
was  run  through  with  a  fish's  rib.  ...  In  a  short  time  we 
subdued  all  the  other  tribes  and  made  ourselves  masters  of 
the  whole  country.  .  .  .  After  one  year  and  eight  months' 
imprisonment  (which  we  calculated  by  observing  that  the 
whale  opened  his  mouth  once  per  hour),  we  grew  weary  and 
resolved  to  escape.1  We  hit  upon  the  plan  of  burning  the 
whale,  and  set  fire  to  the  parts  towards  his  tail.  The  eighth 
and  ninth  days  of  the  burning  he  grew  sickly  :  on  the 
twelfth  he  began  to  mortify,  and  we  bethought  ourselves 
that,  unless  we  gagged  him,  his  mouth  might  close  for  ever, 
and  we  should  perish  miserably  in  his  dead  body.  This  we 
succeeded  in  doing  ;  the  next  day  the  whale  died  ;  and, 
drawing  our  ship  through  his  mouth,  we  found  ourselves 
once  more  upon  the  open  sea.  Before  leaving  the  carcase, 
however,  we  mounted  upon  its  back  and  sacrificed  to  Neptune 
for  three  days.  .  .  .  After  many  days'  voyage  we  approached 
a  spacious  island,  and  entered  into  a  fragrant  atmosphere  of 
sweet  and  delicate  smell.2  Here  we  found  rivers  of  clear 
water  flowing  quietly,  with  meadows  and  herbs  and  birds, 
some  singing  upon  the  sea-shore,  some  among  the  branches 

1  I  have  been  obliged  to  omit  the  battle  between  the  inhabitants 
of  the  floating  islands,  from  considerations  of  space. 

2  'A7ro£et  5c  Trjs  x.<i>pr]s  rrjs  'Apo/Si'?;?  Bcvneo-iov  o>£  rjdv  '.  Herodotus, 


iii.  US. 

G  2 


84  CHAEACTEEISTICS 

of  the  trees,  while  a  light  and  agreeable  air  compassed  the 
whole  country.  When  the  gentle  breezes  stirred  the  woods, 
the  motion  of  the  branches  made  a  continual  delightful 
music,  like  the  sound  of  wind  instruments  in  a  solitary 
place.1  .  .  .  Eventually  we  landed  and  meeting  with  the 
guards,  who  told  us  that  this  was  the  Isle  of  the  Blest,  we 
were  bound  with  garlands  of  roses  and  brought  before  the 
Governor,  Rhadamanthus.  .  .  .  After  hearing  our  story,  he 
said  that  we  should  have  to  account  after  death  for  gad- 
ding about  and  prying  into  everything,2  but  that  we  would 
be  permitted  to  rest  ourselves  in  Elysium  for  seven  months. 
Our  garlands  then  fell  from  us  and  we  were  set  at  liberty.  The 
city  was  all  golden,  with  a  wall  of  the  precious  stone  smaragdos,3 
in  which  were  seven  gates  of  cinnamon  wood.  The  paths  and 
roads  were  of  ivory ;  the  temples  were  of  beryl,  and  the  altars 
within  them  were  made  of  one  whole  amethyst  each.  .  .  . 
The  only  garments  of  the  Blest  are  cobwebs  of  a  purple 
colour.  ...  No  one  grows  old,  but  remains  ever  the  same 
age  as  when  he  arrived  there.  There  is  no  night,  nor  yet 
clear  day :  the  light  is  like  the  earthly  twilight  towards 
morning,  before  the  sun  is  up.  They  have  but  one  season, 
spring,  and  one  wind,  Zephyrus.  The  island  brings  forth 
all  kinds  of  flowers  and  shady  plants.  They  feast  without 
the  city  in  a  meadow  called  Elysium,  which  is  environed 
with  woods.  The  guests  sit  upon  beds  of  flowers  in  the  cool 
shade,  and  everything  they  may  desire  is  brought  to  them 
by  the  wind,  except  wine.  There  are  trees  around  whose 
fruits  are  wine  goblets,  which  become  full  of  wine  on  being 
plucked.  During  the  feast,  the  nightingales  gather  flowers 
from  the  surrounding  fields,  and,  flying  around,  scatter  them 

1  And  now  'twas  like  all  instruments, 

Now  like  a  lonely  flute  ; 
And  now  it  is  an  angel's  song, 
That  makes  the  heavens  be  mute. 

The  Ancient  Mariner. 

2  This  sarcasm  is  aimed  at  Herodotus. 

3  And  thebuilding  of  the  wall  was  of  jasper,  and  the  city  was 
pure  gold.— Revelation,  xxi.  18. 


CHARACTERISTICS  85 

among  the  company.  .  .  .  After  dinner  they  spend  the  time 
in  music  and  singing  and  reciting  poetry,  generally  Homer  ____ 
They  have  two  perpetual  sources  of  mirth,  —  wells,  the  one 
the  Well  of  Pleasure,  the  other  the  Well  of  Laughter  ;  and 
each  one  of  them  drinks  of  either  well  before  sitting  down  to 
eat.  .  .  .  We  saw  all  the  Seven  Wise  Men  there,  except 
Periander.  There,  too,  was  Socrates  conversing  with  Nestor 
and  Palamedes.  ...  Of  the  philosophers,  Plato  alone  was 
absent.  He  dwelt  apart  (they  .said)  in  a  Republic  which  he 
had  formed  himself  and  governed  by  his  own  laws.  Aristippus 
and  Epicurus  were  invited  everywhere  owing  to  their 
geniality,  and  Diogenes  was  so  completely  changed  that  he 
had  actually  got  married.  Occasionally  he  drank  far  more 
than  was  good  for  him.  Not  a  single  Stoic  could  we  find. 
They  were  still  engaged  in  the  ascent  of  the  Hill  of  Virtue, 
and  had  not  yet  reached  the  top.  The  New  Academicians 
(we  were  told)  were  willing  enough  to  come,  but  they  were 
still  hesitating  and  enquiring  ;  *  for  they  were  unable  to 
perceive  clearly2  whether  the  Isle  of  the  Blest  really 
existed  or  not.  They  had  their  doubts  too  as  to  how 
Rhadamanthus  would  judge  them,  they  themselves  having 
abolished  the  means  of  forming  a  jitdgment  upon  any 
question.3  .  .  .  After  a  few  days  I  got  speech  of  Homer, 
and  asked  him  what  countryman  he  was.  He  said  he  was 
a  Babylonian  4  and  his  real  name  Tigranes.  I  begged  him  to 
say  whether  those  verses  now  supposed  on  earth  to  be 
spurious  were  his  or  not  ;  and  he  told  me  plainly  they  were 
all  his  own,  and  condemned  the  critics  Zenodotus  and 
Aristarchus  and  their  school  for  their  frigid  criticisms.5  He 


fiv  UTI  KOI  diaa'KfTTTea'daiy  ii.  18. 

iv  :  ib.  3  Kpirrjpiov  I  ib. 

4  When  asked  by  Fielding  where  he  was  born,  Homer  said,  '  upon 
my  soul,  I  cannot  tell  '  :  Journey  from  this  World  to  the  Next,  p.  19. 

5  «  I  proposed,'  says  Swift,  '  that  Homer  and  Aristotle  might 
appear  at  the  head  of  all  their  commentators  ;  but  these  were  so 
numerous,  that  some  hundreds  were  forced  to  attend  in  the  court 
and  outward  rooms  of  the  palace  ....  Homer  was  the  taller  and 
comelier  person  of  the  two,  walked  very  erect  for  one  of  his  age,  and 


86  CHARACTERISTICS 

said  that  the  mention  of  '  anger '  in  the  first  line  of  the 
'  Iliad '  was  purely  accidental,  and  that  the  '  Iliad '  was 
written  before  the  'Odyssey.'  Many  other  questions  he 
answered  quite  frankly,  and  he  discoursed  freely  upon  the 
charges  of  abusing  and  scoffing  at  Thersites,  which  the  latter 
had  laid  against  him  before  Rhadamanthus.  Ulysses  acted 
as  advocate  for  Homer,  and  the  grand  old  poet  was  acquitted. 
.  .  .  While  we  were  there,  the  games  of  the  Blest,  or 
Thanatusia,  came  off.  I  cannot  remember  all  the  details, 
but  I  do  remember  that,  although  Homer's  verses  were 
indisputably  the  best,  Hesiod  won  the  prize  for  poetry. 
Hardly  were  the  games  ended  when  news  was  brought  that 
the  condemned  in  Tartarus  had  broken  loose  and  were  in 
full  sail  for  the  Isle  of  the  Blest,  under  the  command  of 
Phalaris  of  Agrigentum.  Rhadamanthus  immediately  drew 
up  the  Heroes  in  battle  array,  and  they  defeated  the  mutineers 
with  much  loss  when  they  landed.  They  were  sent  back  to 
Tartarus  to  be  punished  with  greater  torments.  .  .  .  Before 
leaving  Elysium,  I  entreated  Homer  to  write  an  epigram  for 
me.  He  made  me  the  following,  which  I  had  engraved  on  a 
column  of  beryl  near  the  haven  : 

Here  Lucian,  heaven's  favourite,  used  to  roam  ; 
Saw  what  was  to  be  seen ;  and  then  went  home. 

his  eyes  were  the  most  quick  and  piercing  I  ever  beheld.  Aristotle 
stooped  much,  and  made  use  of  a  staff  ....  I  soon  discovered 
that  both  of  them  were  perfect  strangers  to  the  rest  of  the  company, 
and  had  never  seen  or  heard  of  them  before ;  and  I  had  a  whisper 
from  a  ghost,  who  shall  be  nameless,  "  that  these  commentators 
always  kept  in  the  most  distant  quarters  from  their  principals  in 
the  lower  world,  through  a  consciousness  of  shame  and  guilt,  be- 
cause they  had  so  horribly  misrepresented  the  meaning  of  those 
authors  to  posterity."  I  introduced  Didymus  and  Eustathius  to 
Homer,  and  prevailed  on  him  to  treat  them  better  than  perhaps 
they  deserved,  for  he  soon  found  they  wanted  a  genius  to  enter  into 
the  spirit  of  a  poet.  But  Aristotle  was  out  of  all  patience  with  the 
account  I  gave  him  of  Scotus  and  Eamus,  as  I  presented  them  to 
him  ;  and  he  asked  them  "  whether  the  rest  of  the  tribe  were  as 
great  dunces  as  themselves  ?  "  ' — Voyage  to  Laputa,  chap.  viii. 


CHAEACTEEISTICS  87 

As  we  were  embarking,  Ulysses  gave  me  a  letter  (un- 
known to  Penelope)  and  begged  me  to  deliver  it  to  Calypso 
in  Ogygia.  .  .  .  We  had  not  long  passed  beyond  the  divine 
fragrance  of  Elysium,  when  a  smell  of  burning  brimstone 
became  perceptible.  The  sky  was  darkened ;  the  lashing  of 
whips  was  heard,  and  lamentable  voices  :  we  were  nearing 
the  Isles  of  the  Impious,  or  Tartarus.1  .  .  .  We  visited  but 
one  of  these  islands,  which  was  formed  of  pointed  rocks, 
without  wood  or  water, — a  howling  wilderness.  There  were, 
it  is  true,  three  rivers ;  but  one  consisted  of  filth,  the  second 
of  blood,  and  the  third  of  fire,  broad  and  impassable,  which 
flowed  on  like  water  and  rolled  in  billows  of  flame.  There 
was  but  one  narrow  entrance  to  the  harbour,  guarded  by 
Timon  of  Athens.  .  .  .  Shortly  afterwards  we  reached  the 
Isle  of  Dreams,  a  dim  and  indistinct  land,  itself  almost  a 
dream  ;  for  it  seemed  to  recede  and  fly  from  us  as  we 
endeavoured  to  make  it.  Beaching  it  at  length,  we  found  it 
was  encircled  by  a  wood  of  exceedingly  tall  poppies  and 
mandragoras,  in  which  nestled  a  great  number  of  owls.  The 
walls  of  its  capital  are  of  a  changeable  colour,  somewhat  like 
the  rainbow.  ...  As  we  entered  one  of  its  four  gates  we 
saw  the  temple  of  Night  on  the  right  hand  and  the  temple 
of  Sleep  on  the  left.  In  the  market-place  we  found  the 
temples  of  Falsehood  and  Truth.  Some  of  the  dreams  who 
inhabit  the  city  are  long,  beautiful  and  pleasing ;  others 
short  and  disquieting.  Many  of  them  were  old  friends,  who 
saluted  us  and  feasted  us  nobly.  Some  of  them  took  us 
home  to  our  own  country  to  see  our  friends,  and  brought  us 
back  the  next  day.  We  spent  thirty  days  there,  feasting  and 
sleeping,  until  we  were  all  suddenly  awakened  by  a  clap  of 
thunder ;  on  which  we  hurriedly  put  to  sea  again,  and 
reached  Ogygia  the  third  day  out.  On  the  way  I  read 
Ulysses'  letter  to  Calypso,  which  ran  as  follows : 

1  Ulysses  to  Calypso,  greeting  ! 

This  is  to  tell  you  that  on  leaving  you  I  was  shipwrecked 

1  There  seems  to  be  some  lacuna  or  corruption  here  in  the 
original. 


88  CHABACTEBISTICS 

and  only  escaped  with  my  life.  After  many  wanderings  I 
reached  Ithaca,  to  find  my  wife,  Penelope,  surrounded  by 
wooers,  living  riotously  at  my  expense.  Them  I  killed,  but 
was  at  length  put  to  death  by  my  own  son  Telegonus.  I  am 
now  in  the  Isle  of  the  Blest  where  I  repent  daily  that  I  ever 
left  you  and  refused  the  immortality  you  offered  me.  When 
an  opportunity  occurs,  I  shall  certainly  slip  away  from  here 
and  come  back  to  you.' 

Not  long  after  landing  we  happened  to  come  across 
Calypso  sitting  in  a  cave,  busy  with  her  wool.  On  reading 
the  letter,  which  I  handed  to  her,  she  wept  and  was  much 
troubled ;  but  presently  she  recovered  herself,  and  treated 
us  most  hospitably.  She  asked  many  questions  about 
Ulysses,  and  enquired  whether  Penelope  was  really  as 
beautiful  and  modest  as  Ulysses  had  always  represented  her 
to  be.  ... 

The  foregoing  extracts  from  Lucian's  works 
may  suffice  to  show  that  he  was  superior  to  Horace, 
Persius,  Juvenal  and  Voltaire  in  imagination, 
and  that  (without  making  invidious  comparisons) 
he  must  be  classed,  as  regards  this  faculty,  with 
Eabelais  and  Swift.  In  pure  irony  he  must 
yield  the  palm  to  Swift  and  Voltaire.  We 
occasionally — indeed  too  often — see  the  smile 
playing  round  Lucian's  face  in  his  ironic 
passages,  and  this  smile  is  fatal  to  irony  in  its 
perfection.  There  is  not  the  trace  of  a  smile  in 
Swift's  '  Modest  Proposal,'  in  '  Gulliver,'  or  in 
the  most  laughable  of  his  works  perhaps,  the 
<  Partridge  '  letters.1  Nor  is  there  the  shadow 

1  Predictions  for  the  year  1708,  by  I.  Bicker  staff,  Esqre. 


CHARACTERISTICS  89 

of  a  smile  in  Voltaire's  t  Candide.'  As  to  wit 
and  humour,  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  speak 
positively.  What  amuses  one  man  may  not 
amuse  another ;  one  age  may  read  without  a 
smile  what  another  age  laughs  at.  In  the 
humble  opinion  of  the  present  writer,  Lucian 
never  wrote  anything  so- delightfully  ludicrous 
as  the  i  Partridge '  letters ;  but  Lucian's  con- 
temporaries, could  they  have  read  Swift,  might 
not  have  ratified  this  judgment. 

The  wild  luxuriance  and  lavish  prodigality 
of  imagery  displayed  in  the  '  Verae  Historic,' 
and  elsewhere,  are  not  astonishing  when  we 
reflect*  that  Lucian  was  a  western  Asiatic. 
He  possessed  the  imagination  of  his  race,  the 
imagination  of  Firdousi's  l  Shahnama '  and  the 
1  Arabian  Nights ; '  of  Job,  Isaiah  and  the 
Apocalypse. 


(  UNIVERSITY  ] 


APPENDIX 


LUCIAN S  KNOWLEDGE  OF  LATIN 

LUCIAN  openly  quotes  the  '  Odyssey '  several  times  in  the 
'  Necyomantia/  but  he  makes  use  of  it  at  least  six  times 
without  acknowledgment : 

1.  Homer    *Qs  at  rfrpiyvtat  07*'  tflvav        .          .          .     Od.  xxiv.  9 
Lucian     2/aai  rerpiyvTai        .....     Nee.  11 

2.  Homer    Ulysses  reaches  the  land  and  city  of  the 

Cimmerians : 

'H/pi  KOI  vf(p€\y  KfKa\vfJLfJievoi'  ov§e  TTOT'  O.VTOVS 
(paefl&v 


)TtTa.Tai$(iXoi<n&poToicriv     Od.  xi.  14-19 
Lucian     Menippus  reaches  a  similar  place  : 

'AfpiKvovp-fOa    fs    TI    %a)piov    fprjpov    Kai 
v\a>8fs  Kal  dvr)\iov      ....    Nee.  9 

3.  Homer    E66pov  opvg Od.  xi.  25 

Lucian     "BdOpov  re  wpv^a/^te^a       ....     Nee.  9 

4.  Homer    Ulysses  was  surrounded  by  the  ghosts 

of  wounded  warriors : 

IloXXoi  6'  ovTapevoi  \a\KT}pccriv  fy^firj(riv     Od.  xi.  40 
Lucian     Menippus  meets  similar  ghosts : 

Tpav/zemcu  Se  Travrcs  €Tr«7T\fov  .   .  .  .  ex 

TWOS  TToXe/Mou  TtcLpovrts          ...     Nec.  11 

5.  Homer     Kai  TITVOV  eldov,  Tairjs  ff/Mffvdcbf  vibv, 

ev  da7re$(p  •  6  d*  eV  evvta  Kelro 

Od.  xi.  576-7 

Lucian     "Eidov  .  .  .  TOV  yrjyfvrj  TITVOV   .   .   .  e/ceiro 

yovv  TOTTOV  €7TfXO)V  dypov     .          .          .     Nec.  14 

6.  Homer     Kai  p.rjv    TdvraXov  d<rfldov  ^aXerr'  «Xye' 

fXovra         ......     Od.  xi.  582 

Lucian     "Etdov  .  .   .  TOV  &pvya  TdvraKov  ^aXfTrcop 

Nec.  14. 


92  APPENDIX 

Seeing  that  Lucian  appropriated  so  freely  the  thoughts 
and  phrases  of  a  Greek  poet  without  making  an  acknow- 
ledgment, it  would  be  in  no  way  surprising  if  he  treated 
the  Latin  writers  which  he  had  looked  into  himself,  or 
which  had  been  translated  to  him  by  his  friends,  in  a 
similar  manner.  The  question  is,  did  he  in  fact  do  so  ? 

Love  of  fame,  '  the  last  infirmity  of  noble  mind,'  no 
doubt  gave  rise  to  sayings  substantially  the  same  in  all  ages 
of  the  world  ;  yet  there  seems  to  be  an  echo  of  Tacitus  in  a 
remark  Lucian  makes  on  the  subject  : 

Etiam  sapientibus  cupido  gloriae  novissima  exuitur  ;  * 
To  <f)t\6do{-ov  olov  ri  foriv  dva\oyi£dp.ei>os,  a>s  fiovos  OVTOS  6  eptos 
a<j)VKTOs  Kal  rots  irdvv  tiavpao-Tols  flvai 


The  quaint  notion  of  the  dead  being  accused  before  Minos 
by  their  own  shadows  may  have  been  suggested  to  Lucian 
by  the  remark  of  Lucretius  that  '  our  shadows  mimic  our 
gestures  '  ;  the  implication  being  that  they  are  acquainted 
with  our  every  act. 

Umbra  videtur  item  nobis  in  sole  moveri, 
Et  vestigia  nostra  sequi,  gestumque  imitari. 

Propterea  fit,  uti  videatur,  quae  fait  umbra 
Corporis,  e  regione  eadem  nos  usque  sequuta  ;  3 
Menippus  :  QlaOd  nov  ravraal  ras  irpos  rov  rjXiov  drroreXov/zevas 
o~Kias  dno  r£>v  (rco/^drcov  / 

Philonides  :  Tldw  p.ev  ovv. 

Menippus  :  Avrat  roivvv,  eVeiSai/  diro6dvG>p.(V,  Karrjyopoixri  T€  /cat 
/cara/iaprvp  overt  Kal  difXey^ovcri  TO.  Trcirpayfjicva  rj^lv  Trapa  rov  ftiov, 

Kal     (T(p68pa    TlVfS    df-lOTTKTTOL    8oKOV(TlV    &T€    del     £vVOV(Tai     KOI    fJ.Tj8fnOT€ 


Lucian  has  given  us   an  account  of  the   abduction  of 
Europa  in  which  there  is  not  a  phrase  that  reminds  one  of 

1  Hist.  iv.  6.  2  Pereg.  38.  3  iv.  365-75. 

4  Necyom.  11  : 

Our  acts  our  angels  are,  or  good  or  ill, 
The  fatal  shadows  that  walk  by  us  still. 

J.  FLETCHER. 


APPENDIX  93 

the  Idyll  of  Moschus  on  the  same  subject,  which  he  might 
well  have  known  ;  yet  he  makes  use  of  one  expression  which 
immediately  recalls  Ovid.  'With  her  right  hand,'  says 
Ovid,  '  she  held  the  bull's  horn  :  ' 

Iseva  retinebat  amictus, 
Aura  sinus  implet  l         •        .         .         • 


In  Lucian's  account  :  rfi    rrepa  (xetl°0 
WirAov  £vrc?xcy.' 

It  is  incredible  that  Lucitln  could  have  ever  seen  the 
1  Thoughts  of  the  Emperor  Marcus  Aurelius.'  May  he  not 
have  borrowed  the  phrase 

£rjv  8e  del  TOV  6a.va.rov  rrpo  o(j)Oa\p. 


which  it  is  difficult  to  believe  was  his  own,  from  Horace  ?  — 
Omnem  crede  diem  tibi  diluxisse  supremum.* 

The  reminiscences  of  Vergil  in  the  '  Necyomantia  '  are 
numerous  and  striking. 

(a)  The  reader  may  be  reminded  that  Ulysses  (in  Homer) 
reached  the  spot  where  he  was  visited  by  the  shades  of  the 
dead,  without  any  guide.     On  his  asking  Circe  who  was  to 
guide  him,  she  replied  :  '  have  no  care  about  that  matter.'  5 
On  the  other  hand,  .ZEneas  was  led  by  the  Cumaean  Sibyl 
and  Menippus  by  the  Persian  magician,  Mithrobarzanes,  and 
they  both  kept  close  to  their  conductors  : 

Ille  ducem  haud  timidis  vadentem  passibus  aequat     Mn.  vi.  263 
II/JOT/'fi  fjifV  6  Mitfpo/Sup^ufTjs1,  €i7r6fji.Tjv  d'  e'yco  KCLTOTTIV 

€\6fjLfvos  O.VTOV        .......     Nec.  11 

(b)  In  the  preparatory  magic  rites,  the  Sibyl 
and  the  sage  uttered  unearthly  sounds  : 

Nec  mortale  sonans         .         .     ^En.  vi.  50 
.          .     Nec.  7 


1  Fasti,  v.  605.  2  Dial  Mar.  15.          3  Contemplan.  20. 

4  Ep.  i.  4,  13.  5  Od.  x.  505. 


94  APPENDIX 

(c)  Towards   the  close  of  the  magic  rites, 
both  Sibyl  and  sage  became  excited  and  shouted  : 

Sibylla 

antroque  remugit         .     Mn.  vi.  99 
CO  Se  fidyos  .  .  .  ovKeV  ^pejuaia  rfj  <pa>vfj  .  .  .  eVf/3oaro     Nee.  9 


(d)  The  magic  rites  produced  almost  exactly 
the  same  effects  in  both  cases  : 

.  Ecce  autem          ....... 

Sub  pedibus  mugire  solum,  et  juga  coepta  moveri 
Silvarum,  visaeque  canes  ululare  per  umbram     .     .ZEn.  vi.  256 
"Eiidvs  ovv  airavra  eKflva  faraXevero  /cat  vrrb  TTJS  firfodrjs 
Tovdacpos  dvepprjyvvTO  KOI  f)  v\a<fj  rov  Kepftepov 

T)KOV€TO  .....       NeC.   10 


(e)  In  Vergil,  Charon's  objections  to  receive 
a  mortal  in  his  boat  are  answered  by  showing 
him  the  Golden  Bough  .....  ^En.  vi.  405 

In  Lucian,  Charon  is  deceived  by  the  lion's 
skin  of  Hercules  which  Menippus  wore  .  .  Nee.  10 

(/)  The  Sibyl  stupefies  Cerberus  with  cake 
of  honey  and  medicated  grain  ....  ^En.  vi.  419 

Menippus  lulls  him  by  the  sound  of  his  lyre : 

ro^i/  6V  p.ov  Kpovcravros  TTJV  \vpav  rrapaxprJiJ-a  cKTj\r]8r) 

into  TOV  fi€\ovs   .......     Nec.  10 

When  Alcseus  struck  his  golden  harp,  Horace 
describes  Cerberus  as 

.        .         .         illis  carminibus  stupens l     Car.  ii.  13 

(g)  The  sounds  of  woe  heard  from  the  prisons 
in  Tartarus  are  described  in  almost  identical  lan- 
guage by  Vergil  and  Lucian  : 

Hinc  exaudiri  gemitus,  et  sseva  sonare 

Verbera  :  turn  stridor  ferri,  tractaeque  catenae      .     ./En.  vi.  558 

1  Schoell  thinks  it  probable  that  Horace  was  not  unknown  to  Lucian 
— '  vielleicht  nicht  unbekannt '  :  Gescli.  der  griechischen  LiUratur, 
Berlin,  1830,  ii.  478.  He  gives  no  reason  for  thinking  so. 


APPENDIX  95 

IloXXa  teal  tXffiva  rfv  /cat  aKovcrat  KOI  Idelv  •  /latrr/ycoi/ 
re  yap  6fiov  ^f6(f)os  T)KOV€TO  .  .  .  /cat  (rrpe/SXat  KOI 
Kv(j)O)V€s  teal  rpo^oi  ......  Nee.  14 

The  foregoing  similarities  of  thought  and  language  may 
be  all  purely  accidental.  In  particular,  the  striking  resem- 
blance between  the  '  .ZEneid '  and  the  '  Necyomantia '  may  be 
due  to  Vergil  and  Lucian  having  borrowed  from  some 
common  and  unknown  source.  As  the  matter  stands,  how- 
ever, the  collective  weight  of  the  parallel  passages  seems  to 
raise  a  probability  that  Lucian  had  some  knowledge  of  Latin 
literature. 


BY 

SrOTJ  IS \VOODli    AND    CO.,    NK \V-STHEET 
LOMJON 


a  Classified    Catalooue 

OF  WORKS  IN 

GENERAL    LITERATURE 

PUBLISHED    BY 

LONGMANS,  GREEN,  &  CO. 

39    PATERNOSTER    ROW,    LONDON,    E.G. 

91  AND  93  FIFTH  AVENUE   NEW  YORK.  AND  32  HORNBY  ROAD,  BOMBAY. 

CONTENTS. 


PAGE 
10 

7 
26 


BADMINTON  LIBRARY  (THE).     - 

BIOGRAPHY,  PERSONAL  ME- 
MOIRS, &c. 

CHILDREN'S  BOOKS 

CLASSICAL  LITERATURE,  TRANS- 
LATIONS, ETC.  -  -  -  -  18  | 

COOKERY,  DOMESTIC  MANAGE- 
MENT, &c. 28 

EVOLUTION,  ANTHROPOLOGY, 
&c. -  17 

FICTION,  HUMOUR,  &c.   -  -     21 

FUR,  FEATHER  AND  FIN  SERIES     12 

HISTORY,  POLITICS,  POLITY, 
POLITICAL  MEMOIRS,  &c.  -  -  3 

LANGUAGE,  HISTORY  AND 
SCIENCE  OF 16 

MANUALS  OF  CATHOLIC  PHIL- 
OSOPHY 16 


MENTAL,  MORAL,  AND  POLITICAL 
PHILOSOPHY  

MISCELLANEOUS  AND  CRITICAL 
WORKS 

MISCELLANEOUS  THEOLOGICAL 
WORKS 

POETRY  AND  THE  DRAMA     - 

POLITICAL  ECONOMY  AND  ECO- 
NOMICS   16 


POPULAR  SCIENCE  -         ... 
SILVER  LIBRARY  (THE) 
SPORT  AND  PASTIME       - 
STUDIES     IN    ECONOMICS    AND 

POLITICAL   SCIENCE   - 
TRAVEL   AND   ADVENTURE,  THE 

COLONIES,  &c. 
VETERINARY  MEDICINE,  &c. 
WORKS  OF  REFERENCE - 


24 

27 
to 

17 

8 
10 
25 


INDEX     OF     AUTHORS     AND     EDITORS. 


Page 

Page 

Page 

Page 

Abbott  (Evelyn)       -    3,  18 

Balfour  (Lady  Betty)          5 

Buckle  (H.  T.)  -        - 

3 

Corder  (Annie)         -        19 

(T.  K.)               -        14 

Ball  (John)        -        -          8 

Buckton  (C.  M.) 

28 

Coutts  (W.)      -        -        18 

(E.  A.)      -        -        14 

Baring-Gould    (Rev. 

Bull  (T.)    - 

28 

Coventry  (A.)   -        -        ii 

Acland  (A.  H.  D.)    -          3 

S.)          ...  27,  29 

Burke  (U.  R.)  - 

3 

Cox  (Harding)           -         10 

Acton  (Eliza)   -        -        28 

Barraud  (C.  W.)       -        19 

Burrows  (Montagu) 

4 

Crake  (Rev.  A.  D.)   -        26 

Adeane(J.  H.)-        -         7 

Baynes  (T.  S.)  -        -         29 

Butler  (E.  A.)  - 

24 

Creiehton  (Bishop)-      3,4 

jEschylus          -        -        18 

Beaconsfield  (Earl  of)      21 

(Samuel)  -     18,  20,  29 

Crozier(J.  B.)  -        -    7,  14 

Ainger  (A.  C.)  -        -        ii 

Beaufort  (Duke  of)  -  10,  ii 

Curzon  of  Kedleston 

Albemarle  (Earl  of)  -        10 

Becker  (W.  A.)         -        18 

Calder  (J.)         -        - 

3° 

(Lord)    ---          4 

Allen  (Grant)    -        -        24 

Beddard  (F.  E.)        -        24 

Cameron  of  Lochiel 

12 

distance  (Col.  H.    -        12 

Amos  (S.)          -        -          3 

Beeslv  (A.  H.)  -        -          7 

Campbell  (Rev.  Lewis) 

32 

Cults  (Rev.  E.  L.)    -          4 

Andre  (R.)         -        -        12 

Bell  (Mrs.  Hugh)      -        19 

Camperdown  (Earl  of) 

7 

Anstey  (F.)        -        -        21 

Bent  (J.  Theodore)  -          8 

Cannan  (E.)      - 

17 

Dallinger  (F.  W.)     -          4 

Aristophanes    -        -        18 

Besant  (Sir  Walter)-          3 

Channing  (F.  A.)      - 

16 

Davidson  (W.  L.)  14,  16,32 

Aristotle   -        -        -  14,  18 

Bickerdyke  (J.)          -        n     Chesney  (Sir  G.j      - 

3 

Davies  (J.  F.)   -        -        18 

Armstrong     (G.     F. 

Bicknell  (A.  C.)         -          8 

'Chola'     - 

21 

Dent(C.  T.)     -        -        ii 

Savage)          -        -        19 

Birt  (A.)                              21 

Cholmondeley-Pennell 

Deploige  (S.)    -        -        17 

(E.T.  Savage)  7,19,29 

Blackburne  (J.  H.)   -        12 

(H.) 

II 

De  Salis  (Mrs.)          -  28,  29 

Arnold  (Sir  Edwin)  -    8,  19 

Bland  (Mrs.  Hubert)         20 

Churchill  (  W.  Spencer) 

3,9 

De  Tocqueville(A.)-         4 

(Dr.  T.)     -        -          3 

Boase  (Rev.  C.  W.)  -          4 

Cicero       ... 

18 

Devas  (C.  S.)    -        -        16 

Ashbourne  (Lord)    -          3 

Boedder  (Rev.  B.)     -        16  !  Clarke  (Rev.  R.  F.)  - 

16 

Dickinson  (G.  L.)     -          4 

Ashby(H.)        -        -        28 

Boevey(A.  W.  Crawley-)  7  i  Climenson  (Emily  J.) 

8 

Diderot     -        -        -        21 

Ashley  (W.  J.)-        -        16 

Bosanquet  (B.)          -        14    Clodd  (Edward) 

17 

Dougall  (L.)      -        -        21 

Ayre  (Rev.  J.)  -        -        25 

Boyd  (Rev.  A.  K.  H.)  29,  32    Clutterbuck  (W.  J.)  - 

9    Dowden  (E.)     -        -        31 

Brassey  (Lady)         -          9    Coleridge  (S.  T.)      - 

19     Dovle  (A.  Conan)      -        21 

Bacon        -        -        -    7,  14 

(Lord)           3,  8,  n,  16    Comparetti  (D.) 

30    Du'BoisfW.  E.  B.)-        4 

Baden-Powell  (B.  H.)         3 

Bray  (C.)                            14 

Conineton  (John)     - 

18     Dufferin(MarqLMsof)        ii 

Bagehot  (W.)  -       7,  16,  29 

Bright  (Rev.  J.  F.)  -     .    3  !  Conway  (Sir  W.  M.) 

u     Dunbar  (Mary  F.)     -        20 

Bagwell  (R.)     -        -          3 

Broadfoot  (Major  W.)      10 

Conybeare(Rev.W.J.) 

Bain  (Alexander)      -        14 

Browning  (H.  Ellen)         9 

&  Howson  (Dean) 

27    Eardley-Wnmot  (Capt. 

Baker  (Sir  S.  W.)     -    8,  10    Buck  (H.~A.)     -        -        ii 

Coolidge  (W.  A.  B.) 

8            S.)       -        -        -          8 

Balfour  (A.  J.)           -  u,  32    Buckland  (Jas.)         -        26 

Corbett  (Julian  S.)  - 

3    Ebrington  (Viscount)       12 

INDEX     OF     AUTHORS     AND      EDITORS—  continued. 

Page 

Page 

Page 

Page 

Ellis  (J.H.)      -        -        12 
(R.  L.)       -        -        14 

Jefferies  (Richard)    -        30 
Jekyll  (Gertrude)      -        30 

Nansen  (F.)       -        -          9 
Nesbit  (E.)        -        -        20 

Steel  (J.H.)      -        -        10 
Stephen  (Leslie)       -          9 

Evans  (Sir  John)      -        30 

Jerome  (Jerome  K.)  -        22 
Johnson  (J.&  J.  H.)         30 

Nettleship  (R.  L.)    -        14 
Newman  (Cardinal)  -        22 

Stephens  (H.  Morse)          6 
—  (W.  W.)    -        -    8,  17 

Farrar  (Dean)   -        -  16,  21 

Jones  (H.  Bence)      -        25 

Stevens  (R.  W.)        -        31 

Fitzwygram  (Sir  F.)         10 

Jordan  (W.  L.)         -       16 

Ogle(W.)-        -        -        18 

Stevenson  (R.  L.)     -  23,  26 

Folkard  (H.  C.)                  12 

Jowett  (Dr.  B.)         -        17 

Onslow  (Earl  of)      -        ii 

Stock  (St.  George)   -        15 

Ford  (H.)  -        -                12 

Joyce  (P.  W.)    -      5,  22,  30 

Osbourne  (L)    -        -        23 

'Stonehenge'   -        -        10 

Fowler  (Edith  H.)            21 

Justinian  :        -        -        14 

Storr  (F.)  -        -        -        14 

Foxcroft  (H.  C.)                 7 

Palgrave  (Gwenllian  F.)     8 

Stuart-Wortley(A.J.)n,i2 

Francis  (Francis)               12 

Kant  (I.)    -        -        -         14 

Park(W.)          -        -        13 

Stubbs  (J.  W.)  -        -          6 

Francis  (M.  E.)                 21 

Kaye  (Sir  J.  W.)       -          5 

Payne-Gallwey    (Sir 

Suffolk  &  Berkshire 

Freeman  (Edward  A  )         4 

Kent  (C.  B.  R.)         -          5 

R.)       -        -        -  ii,  13 

(Earl  of)     -        -        ii 

Freshfield  (D.  W.)            n 

Kerr  (Rev.  J.)    -        -        ii 

Peek  (Hedley)  -        -        n 

Sullivan  (Sir  E.)       -         ii 

Frothingham  (A.  L.)        30 

Killick  (Rev.  A.  H.)  -        14 

Pembroke  (Earl  of)  -        ii 

Sully  (James)    -        -         15 

Froude  (James  A.)  4,  7,  9,  21 
Furneaux  (W.)          -        24 

Kingsley  (Rose  G.)  -        30 
Kitchin  (Dr.  G.  W.)           4 

Phillipps-Wolley(C.)  10,22 
Phillips  (Mrs.  Lionel)        6 

Sutherland  (A.  and  G.)        6 
(Alex.)       -        -  15,  31 

Knight  (E.  F.)  -        -    9,  ii 

Pitman  (C.  M.)         -        n 

Suttner  (B.  von)       -        23 

Galton  (W.  F.)          -        17 

Kostlin  (J.)        -        -          7    Pleydell-Bouverie(E.O.)ii 

Swinburne  (A.  J.)     -         15 

Gardiner  (Samuel  R.)         4 

Pole  (W.)                            13 

Symes  (J.  E.)    -        -        17 

Gathorne-Hardy  (Hon. 

Ladd  (G.  T.)     -        -        15 

Pollock  (W.  H.)  -        n,  31 

A.  E.)         -        -        12 

Lang  (Andrew)  5,  10,  n,  13,    Poole  (W.  H.  and  Mrs.)    29 

Tavlor  (Meadows)    -          6 

Gibbons  (J.  S.)          -        12 

17,  18,  19,  20,  22,  26,  30,  32 

Poore  (G.  V.)    -        -        31 

(Una)         -        -        23 

Gibson  (Hon.  H.)     -        13 

Lascelles  (Hon.  G.) 

Potter  (J.)          -        -        16 

Tebbutt  (C.  G.)         -        n 

(C.  H.)       -        -        14 

10,  ii,  12    Powell  (E.)       -        -          6 

Terry  (C.  S.)     -        -          7 

(Hon.  W.)         -        32 

Laughton  (J.  K.)      -          8    Powys  (Mrs.  P.  L.)  -          8 

Thornhill  (W.  J.)      -        18 

Gleig  (Rev.  G.  R.)    -          8 

Lawley  (Hon.  F.)     -        ii    Praeger  (S.  Rosamond)    26 

Todd  (A.)                             6 

Goethe      -        -        -        19    Lawrence  (F.  W.)    -        17 

Prevost  (C.)       -        -        n 

Toynbee  (A.)     -        -        17 

Gore-Booth  (Eva)    -        19    Layard  (Nina  F.)      -        19 

Pritchett  (R.  T.)       -        n 

Trevelyan  (Sir  G.  O.)      6,  7 

—  (Sir  H.  W.)       -        ii  !  Lear  (H.  L.  Sidney)  -        29    Proctor  (R.  A.)       13,  24,  28 

(C.  P.)       -                 17 

Graham  (P.  A.)         -  12,  13 

Lecky  (W.  E.  H.)    5,  15,  19 

(G.  M.)      -        -          6 

(G.  F.)       -        -        16 

Lees  (J.  A.)       -        -          9 

Raine  (Rev.  James)  -          4 

Trollope  (Anthony)-        23 

Granby  (Marquis  of)        12 

Leslie  (T.  E.  Cliffe)  -        16 

Rankin  (R.)       -        -        20 

Turner  (H.  G.)          -        31 

Grant  (Sir  A.)  -        -        14 

Levett-Yeats  (S.)      -        22 

Ransome  (Cvril)       -      3,  6 

Tyndall(J.)        -        -7,9 

Graves  (R.  P.)  -        -          7 
Green  (T.  Hill)         -        14 

Lillie  (A.)                           13 
Lindley(J.)       -        -        25 

Raymond  (W.)          -        22 
Reader  (Emily  E.)   -        22 

Tyrrell  (R.  Y.)  -        -        18 

Greene  (E.  B.)-        -          4 

Lodge  (H.  C.)  -        -          4 

Rhoades  (J.)     -        -        18 

Upton(F.K.and  Bertha)    26 

Greville  (C.  C.  F.)    -          4 

Loftie  (Rev.  W.  J.)  -          4 

Ribblesdale  (Lord)   -        13 

Grose  (T.  H.)   -        -        14 

Longman  (C.  J.)    10,  12,  30 

Rich  (A.)  -        -        -        18 

Van  Dyke  (J.  C.)      -         31 

Gross  (C.)         -        -          4 

(F.  W.)      -        -        13 

Richardson  (C.)        -        10 

Verney   (Frances   P. 

Grove  (F.  C.)    -        -        ii 

(G.  H.)      -        -11,12 

Richmond  (Ennis)    -        31 

and  Margaret  M.)          8 

(Mrs.  Lilly)       -        10 

Lowell  (A.  L.)  -        -          5 

Richter  (J.  Paul)       -         31 

Virgil                                  18 

Gurdon  (Lady  Camilla)     21 

Lubbock  (Sir  John)  -        17 

Rickaby  (Rev.  John)         16 

Vivekananda  (Swami)       32 

Gwilt  (J.)  -        -        -        25 

Lucan        -        -        -        18 

(Rev.  Joseph)    -        16 

Vivian  (Herbert)       -          9 

Lutoslawski  (W.)     -        15 

Ridley  (Sir  E.)  -        -        18 

Haggard  (H.  Rider)-  21,  30 
Hake  (O.)  -        -        -        n 

Lyall(Edna)     -        -        22 
Lyttelton  (Hon.  R.  H.)    10 

Riley  (J.  W.)     -        -        20 
Roget  (Peter  M.)      -  16,  25 

Wagner  (R.)     -        -        20 
Wakeman  (H.  O.)     -          6 

Halliwell-Phillipps(J.)       8 

(Hon.  A.)  -        -        ii 

Romanes  (G.  J.) 

Walford  (L.  B.)        -        23 

Hamlin  (A.  D.  F.)    -        30 

Lytton  (Earl  of)       -    5,  19 

8,  15,  17,  20,  32 

Walker  (Jane  H.)     -        29 

Hammond  (Mrs.  J.  H.)       4 

(Mrs.  G.  J.)       -          8 

Wallas  (Graham)     -          8 

Harding  (S.  B.)         -          4 
Harte  (Bret)      -        -        22 

Macaulay  (Lord)       5,  6,  19 
Macdonald  (G.)         -          9 

Ronalds  (A.)      -        -        13 
Roosevelt  (T.)                     4 

Walpole  (Sir  Spencer)        6 
Walrond  (Col.  H.)    -        10 

Harting(J.  E.)-        -        12 

(Dr.  G.)     -        -  20,  32 

Rossetti  (Maria  Fran- 

Walsingham(Lord)-        ii 

Hartwig  (G.)     -        -        24 

Macfarren  (Sir  G.  A.)        30 

cesca)     -        -        -        31 

Walter  (J.)        -        -          8 

Hassall(A.)       -        -          6 

Mackail  (J.  W.)        -    8,  18 

Rowe  (R.  P.  P.)        -        ii 

Ward  (Mrs.  W.)       -        23 

Haweis  (H.  R.)         -    7,30 

Macleod  (H.  D.)        -        16  \  Russell  (Bertrand)    -        17 

Warwick  (Countess  of)    31 

Heath  (D.  D.)  -        -        14 

Macpherson  (Rev.  H.  A.)i2 

(Alys)         -        -         17 

Watson  (A.  E.T.) 

HeathcoteQ.  M.and 

Madden  (D.  H.)        -        13 

(Rev.  M.)  -        -        20 

10,  11,12,13,23 

C.  G.)          -        -        ii 

Maher  (Rev.  M.)       -        16 

Webb  (Mr.  and  Mrs. 

Helmholtz  (Hermann 

Malleson  (Col.  G.  B.)          5 

Saintsbury  (G.)         -         12 

Sidney)       -        -        17 

von)    -        -        -        24 

Mann  (E.  E.)    -        -        29 

Samuels  (E.)     -        -        20 

(T.  E.)       -        -15,19 

Henderson      (Lieut- 

Marbot  (Baron  de)   -          7 

Sandars  (T.  C.)         -        14 

Weber  (A.)        -        -        15 

Col.  G.  F.)        -          7 

Marquand  (A.)  -        -        30 

Sargent  (A.  J.)-         -         17 

Weir  (Capt.  R.)        -        n 

Henry  (W.)       -        -        ii 

Marshman  (J-  C.)     -          7 

Schreiner  (S.  C.  Cron- 

Weyman  (Stanley)  -        23 

Henty  (G.  A.)  -        -        26 
Herbert  (Col.  Kenney)     12 

Martineau  (Dr.  James)    32 
Maskelyne  (J.  N.)     -        13 

wright)       -        -         10 
Seebohm  (F.)    -        -      6,  8 

Whately(Archbishop)  14,  15 
(E.  Jane)  -        -        16 

Hiley  (R.  W.)  -       -         7 

Maunder  (S.)    -        -        25 

Selous  (F.  C.)   -        -        10 

White  (W.  Hale)      -  20,  31 

Hill  (Sylvia  M.)        -        21 

Max  Miiller  (F.) 

Sewell  (Elizabeth  M.)       23 

Whitelaw  (R.)  -        -         18 

Hillier  (G.  Lacy)       -         10 

7,8,15,  16,  22,  31,  32 

Shadwell  (A.)    -        -        31 

Wilcocks  (J.  C.)        -        13 

Hodgson  (Shadworth)i4,  30 

May  (Sir  T.  Erskine)          6 

Shakespeare      -        -        20 

Wilkins  (G.)      -        -        18 

Hoenig  (F.)       -        -        30 

Meade  (L.  T.)  -        -        26 

Shand(A  I.)     -        -        12 

Willard  (A.  R.)         -        31 

Hogan  (J.  F.)    -        -          7 

Melville  (G.J.Whyte)      22 

Sharpe  (R.  R.)  -        -          6 

Williamson  (W.)      -        32 

Homer      -        -        -        18 

Merivale  (Dean)       -          6 

Shaw  (W.  A.)   -        -          6 

Willich  (C.  M.)         -        25 

Hope  (Anthony)        -        22 

Mernman  'H.  S.)      -        22 

Shearman  (M.)          -  10,  ii 

Witham  (T.  M.)        -        ii 

Horace                               18 

Mill  (fames)      -        -        15 

Sinclair  (A.)      -        -         ii 

Wood  (Rev.  T.  G.)    -        25 

Houston  (D.  F.)        -          4 

(John  Stuart)    -  15,  16 

Smith  (R.  Bosworth)          6    Wood-Martin  (W.  G.)       6 

Howell(G.)       -        -        16 

Milner  (G.)        -        -        31 

(T.  C.)       -        -          4    Wordsworth  (William)    20 

Howitt  (W.)      -        -          9 

Moffat  (D.)        -        -        13 

—  (W.  P.  Haskett)          9    Wright  (C.  D.)         -        17 

Hudson  (W.  H.)       -        24 

Monck  (W.  H.  S.)    -         15 

Somerville  (E.)         -        23    Wylie  (J.  H.)    -        -          6 

Hullah  (f.)         -        -        30 

Montague  (F.  C.)     -          6 

Sophocles          -        -         18  : 

Hume  (David)  -        -        14 

Montagu  (Hon.  John 

Soulsby  (Lucy  H.)    -        31     Youatt  (W.)      -        -        10 

Hunt  (Rev.  W.)        -          4 

Scott)         -        -        12 

Southey  (R.)     -        -         311 

Hunter  (Sir  W.)       -          5 

Moon  (G.  W.)  -        -        20 

Spedding  (J.)     -        -    7,  14     Zeller  (E.)         -        -        15 

Hutchinson  (Horace  G.) 

Moore  (T.)        -        -        25 

Sprigge  (S.  Squire)  -          8 

ii,  13    (Rev.  Edward)  -        14 

Stanley  (Bishoo)       -        24 

Morgan  (C.  Lloyd)  -        17 

Stanley  (Lady)          -          7 

Ingelow  (Jean)          -        19 

Morris  (W.)      18,  20,  22,  31 

Statham  (S.  P.  H.)  -          6 

(Mowbray)         -        ii 

Stebbing  (W.)  -        -        23 

James  (W.)       -                 14 

Mulhall  (M.  G.)        -        17     Steel  (AT  G.)      -        -        10  I 

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Biography,   Personal  Memoirs,   &e.— continued. 


Morris.  —  THE  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM 
MORRIS.  By  J.  W.  MACKAIL.  With  6  Por- 
traits and  16  Illustrations  by  E.  H.  NEW, 
etc.  2  vols.  8vo.,  325. 

Palgrave.— FRANCIS  TURNER  PAL- 
GRAVE:  His  Journals,  and  Memories  of  his 
Life.  By  GWENLLIAN  F.  PALGRAVE.  With 
Portrait  and  Illustration.  8vo.,  zos.  6d. 

Place. — THE  LIFE  OF  FRANCIS  PLACE, 
1771-1854.  By  GRAHAM  WALLAS,  M.A. 
With  2  Portraits.  8vo.,  125. 

P  O  w  y  S.  —  PASSAGES  FROM  THE 
DIARIES  OF  MRS.  PHILIP  LYBBE  POWYS, 
of  Hardwick  House,  Oxon.,  1756-1808. 
Edited  by  EMILY  J.  CLIMENSON,  of  Shiplake 
Vicarage,  Oxon.  With  2  Pedigrees  (Lybbe 
and  Powys)  and  Photogravure  Portrait. 
8vo.,  165. 

XAMAKRISHNA  :  His  LIFE  AND 
SAYINGS.  By  the  Right  Hon.  F.  MAX 
MULLER.  Crown  8vo.,  55. 

Reeve. — MEMOIRS  OF  THE  LIFE  AND 
CORRESPONDENCE  OF  HENRY  REEVE,  C.B., 
late  Editor  of  the  '  Edinburgh  Review,'  and 
Registrar  of  the  Privy  Council.  By  JOHN 
KNOX  LAUGHTON,  M.A.  With  2  Portraits. 
2  vols.  8vo.,  285. 

Romanes. — THE  LIFE  AND  LETTERS 
OF  GEORGE  JOHN  ROMANES,  M.A.,  LL.D., 
F.R.S.  Written  and  Edited  by  his  WIFE. 
With  Portrait  and  2  Illustrations.  Cr.  8vo.,  65. 

Seebohm. — THEOXFORD  REFORMERS 
— JOHN  COLET,  ERASMUS  AND  THOMAS 
MORE  :  a  History  of  their  Fellow- Work. 
By  FREDERIC  SEEBOHM.  8vo.,  145. 


Shakespeare.  —  OUTLINES  OF  THE 
LIFE  OF  SHAKESPEARE.  By  J.  O.  HALLI- 
WELL-PHILLIPPS.  With  Illustrations  and 
Fac-similes.  2  vols.  Royal  8vo.,  215. 

Shakespeare's    TRUE   LIFE.       By 

JAMES  WALTER      With  500  Illustrations  by 
GERALD  E.  MOIRA.     Imp.  8vo.,  2is. 

Stanley  (Lady). 

THE  GIRLHOOD  OF  MARIA  JOSEPH  A 
HOLROYD  (Lady  Stanley  of  Alder  ley). 
Recorded  in  Letters  of  a  Hundred  Years 
Ago,  from  1776-1796.  Edited  by  J.  H. 
ADEANE.  With  6  Portraits.  8vo.,  185. 

THE  EARLY  MARRIED  LIFE  OF 
MARIA  JOSEPHA,  LADY  STANLEY,  FROM 
1796.  Edited  by  J.  H.  ADEANE.  With 
10  Portraits  and  3  Illustrations.  Svo.,  185. 

Turgot—  THE  LIFE  AND  WRITINGS- 
OF  TURGOT,  Comptroller-General  of  France, 
1774-1776.  Edited  for  English  Readers  by 
W.  WALKER  STEPHENS.  With  Portrait. 
Svo,  75.  6d. 

Verney.  —MEMOIRS  OF  THE  VERNEY 
FAMILY.     Compiled  from  the  Letters  and 
Illustrated    by    the    Portraits    at    Clayden 
House. 
Vols.  I.  &  II..  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 

By  FRANCES  PARTHENOPE  VERNEY.  With 

38    Portraits,  Woodcuts  and  Fac-simile. 

Royal  8vo.,  425. 
Vol.  III.,  DURING  THE  COMMONWEALTH* 

1650-1660.   By   MARGARET   M.  VERNEY. 

With  10  Portraits,  etc.     Royal  8vo.,  215. 
Vol.  IV.,  FROM  THE  RESTORATION  TO  THE 

REVOLUTION.  1660  to  1696.  ByMARGARET 

M.  VERNEY.  With  Ports.  Royal  8vo.,  2is. 

Wellington. — LIFE  OF  THE  DUKE 
OF  WELLINGTON.  By  the  Rev.  G.  R. 
GLEIG,  M.A.  Crown  8vo.,  35.  6d. 


Travel  and  Adventure,  the  Colonies,  &e. 

Baker  (SIR  S.  W.). 
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THE    RIFLE 


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Bent. — THE  RUINED  CITIES  OF  MA- 
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BENT.  With  117  Illustrations.  Crown 
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Bicknell. — TRAVEL  AND  ADVENTURE 
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trations in  the  Text.  8vo.,  155. 

Brassey .  —  Vo YA GES  AND  TRA VELS 
OF  LORD  BRASSEY,  K.C.B.,  D  C.L.,  1862- 
1894.  Arranged  and  Edited  by  Captain  S. 
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MESSRS.  LONGMANS  &  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS. 


Travel  and  Adventure,  the  Colonies,  &e. — continued. 


Brassey  (THE  LATE  LADY). 

A    VO  YA  GE  IN  THE  '  SUNBEA  M  '  ;     O  UR 

HOME    ON   THE    OCEAN  FOR    ELEVEN 


Cabinet    Edition.      With    Map    and    66 

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trations.    Crown  8vo.,  35.  6d. 
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Lees.  —  PEAKS  AND  PINES  :  another 
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Lees  and  Clutterbuck.—  B.C.  1887  : 

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Nansen.  —  THE  FIRST  CROSSING  OF 
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By 

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ISLES.  By  W.  P.  HASKETT  SMITH.  With 
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Churchill. — THE  STORY  OF  THE 
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Froude  (]AMES  A.). 

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WHERE  THREE  EMPIRES  MEET:  a 
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THE  *  FALCON'  ON  THE  BALTIC:  a 
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Schreiner.  —  THE     ANGORA     GOAT 

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f  Stonehenge.' — THE     DOG    IN 

HEALTH  AND  DISEASE.  By  '  STONE- 
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Youatt  (WILLIAM). 

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Sport  and  Pastime. 

THE  BADMINTON  LIBRARY. 

Edited  by  HIS  GRACE  THE  DUKE  OF  BEAUFORT,  K.G.,  and  A.  E.  T.  WATSON. 

Complete  in  29  Volumes.      Crown  8vo.,  Price  los.  6d.  each  Volume,  Cloth. 
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from  all  Booksellers. 

BILLIARDS.  By  Major  W.  BROAD- 
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BOYD,  SYDENHAM  DIXON,  W.  J.  FORD,  etc. 
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COURSING  AND  FALCONRY. 
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CRICKET.  By  A.  G.  STEEL  and 
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DRIVING.  By  His  Grace  the  DUKE 
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ARCHER  Y.  By  C.  J.  LONGMAN  and 
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BIG     GAME     SHOOTING.       By 
CLIVE  PHILLIPPS-WOLLEY. 

Vol.  I.  AFRICA  AND  AMERICA. 
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Vol.  II.  EUROPE,  ASIA,  AND  THE 
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MESSRS.    LONGMANS  &  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS. 


ii 


Sport  and  Pastime — continued. 

THE  BADMINTON  LIBRARY— continued. 


FENCING,        BOXING,        AND 

WRESTLING.    By  WALTER  H.  POLLOCK, 

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FISHING.  By  H.  CHOLMONDELEY- 
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GOLF.  By  HORACE  G.  HUTCHINSON. 
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HUNTING.  By  His  Grace  the  DUKE 
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With  Contributions  by  the  EARL  OF  SUFFOLK 
AND  BERKSHIRE,  Rev.  E.  W.  L.  DAVIES, 

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MOUNTAINEERING.  By  C.  T. 
DENT.  With  Contributions  by  Sir  W.  M. 
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WATSON.  With  Frontispiece  and  56  Illus- 
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RIDING  AND  POLO.  By  Captain 
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32       MESSRS.  LONGMANS  &  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS. 


Fiction,   Humour,   &e. — continued. 


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Joyce. — OLD  CELTIC  ROMANCES. 
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Gaelic.  By  P.  W.  JOYCE,  LL.D.  Crown 
8vo.,  35.  6d. 

Lang. — A  MONK  OF  FIFE  ;  a  Story 
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LANG.  With  13  Illustrations  by  SELWYN 
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HOPE  THE  HERMIT  :  a  Romance  of 
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Max    Miiller.  —  DEUTSCHE    LIEBE 

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Reader. — PRIESTESS  AND  QUEEN: 
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Illustrated  by  EMILY  K.  READER.  Crown 
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MESSRS.  LONGMANS  &  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS.         23 


Fiction,   Humour,   &e. — continued. 


Sewell  (ELIZABETH  M.). 
A  Glimpse  of  the  World      Amy  Herbert, 
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Margaret  Percival.  Gertrude. 

Katharine  Ashton.  Home  Life. 

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Stabbing.  —  PROBABLE      TALES. 

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Suttner. — LAY  DOWN    YOUR   ARMS 

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Taylor.  —  EARLY  ITALIAN  LOVE- 
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Stanley. — A  FAMILIAR  HISTORY  OF 
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MESSRS.  LONGMANS  &  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS         25 


Popular    Science    (Natural  History,  &e.) — continued. 


Wood  (REV.  J.  G.). 

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STRANGE  DWELLINGS:  a  Description 
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from  '  Homes  without  Hands '.  With  60 
Illustrations.  Cr.  8vo.,  35.  6d. 


Wood  (REV.  J.  G.) — continued. 

PETLAND    REVISITED.      With     33 
Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

BIRD  LIFE  OF  THE  BIBLE.    With  32 
Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo. ,  35.  6d. 

WONDERFUL  NESTS.   With  30  Illus- 
trations.    Cr.  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

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28  Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

WILD  ANIMALS  OF  THE  BIBLE.  With 

29  Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

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THE  BRANCH  BUILDERS.     With  28 
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SOCIAL  HABITATIONS  AND  PARASITIC 
NESTS.  With  18  Illustrations.  Cr.  8vo.,  25. 


Works  of  Reference. 


Gwilt. — AN  ENCYCLOPAEDIA  OF  AR- 
CHITECTURE. By  JOSEPH  GWILT,  F.S.A. 
Illustrated  with  more  than  noo  Engrav- 
ings on  Wood.  Revised  (1888),  with  Al- 
terations and  Considerable  Additions  by 
WYATT  PAPWORTH.  8vo,  £2  125.  6d. 


Maunder  (Samuel). 

B  i OCR  A  PHICA  L  TREA  SURY.  With 
Supplement  brought  down  to  1889.  By 
Rev.  JAMES  WOOD.  Fcp.  8vo.,  6s. 

TREASURY  OF  GEOGRAPHY,  Physical, 
Historical,  Descriptive,  and  Political. 
With  7  Maps  and  16  Plates.  Fcp.  8vo.,  65. 

THE  TREASURY  OF  BIBLE  KNOW- 
LEDGE. By  the  Rev.  J.  AYRE,  M.A.  With 
5  Maps,  15  Plates,  and  300  Woodcuts. 
Fcp.  8vo.,  65. 

TREASURY  OF  KNOWLEDGE  AND  LIB- 
RARY OF  REFERENCE.  Fcp.  8vo.,  65. 

HISTORICAL  TREASURY.  Fcp.Svo  ,6s. 


Maunder  (Samuel) — continued. 

SCIENTIFIC  AND  LITERARY  TREA- 
SURY. Fcp.  8vo.,  6s. 

THE  TREASURY  OF  BOTANY.  Edited 
by  J.  LINDLEY,  F.R.S.,  and  T.  MOORED 
F.L.S.  With  274  Woodcuts  and  20  Steel 
Plates.  2  vols.  Fcp.  8vo.,  125. 


Roget.  —  THESAURUS  OF  ENGLISH 
WORDS  AND  PHRASES.  Classified  and  Ar- 
ranged so  as  to  Facilitate  the  Expression  of 
Ideas  and  assist  in  Literary  Composition. 
By  PETER  MARK  ROGET,"  M.D.,  F.R.S. 
Recomposed  throughout,  enlarged  and  im- 
proved, partly  from  the  Author's  Notes,  and 
with  a  full  Index,  by  the  Author's  Son,. 
JOHN  LEWIS  ROGET.  Crown  8vo.,  IDS.  fid. 


\Vi\\ich.~PopuLAK  TABLES  forgiving 

information  for  ascertaining  the  value  or 
Lifehold,  Leasehold,  and  Church  Property,, 
the  Public  Funds,  etc.  By  CHARLES  M. 
WILLICH.  Edited  by  H.  BENCE  JONES. 
Crown  8vo.,  los.  6d. 


26         MESSRS.  LONGMANS  &  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS. 


Children's  Books. 


Buckland. — TWOLITTLERUNAWAYS.    Meade  (L.  T.). 

Adapted  from  the  French  of  Louis  DES- 
NOYERS.  By  JAMES  BUCKLAND.  With  no 
Illustrations  by  CECIL  ALDIN.  Cr.  8vo.,  6s. 


-Crake  (Rev.  A.  D.). 

EDWY  THE  FAIR  ;  or,  The  First 
Chronicle  of  -^scendune.  Cr.  8vo. ,  2s.  6d. 

ALFGAR  THE  DANE  ;  or,  The  Second 
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THE  RIVAL  HEIRS  :  being  the  Third 
and  Last  Chronicle  of  ^Escendune.  Cr. 
8vo.,  2s.  6d. 

THE  HOUSE  OF  WALDERNE.  A  Tale 
of  the  Cloister  and  the  Forest  in  the  Days 
of  the  Barons'  Wars.  Crown  8vo.,  as.  6d. 

BRIAN  FITZ- COUNT.  A  Story  of 
Wallingford  Castle  and  Dorchester 
Abbey.  Cr.  8vo.,  25.  6d. 

Henty  (G.A.). — EDITED  BY. 

YULE  LOGS  :  A  Story-Book  for  Boys. 
With  61  Illustrations.  Crown  8vo.,  65. 

YULE  TIDE  YARNS.  With  45  Illus- 
trations. Crown  8vo.,  65. 

Lang  (ANDREW). — EDITED  BY. 

THE  BLUE  FAIRY  BOOK.  With  1 3 8 
Illustrations.  Crown  Svo.,  6s. 

THE  RED  FAIRY  BOOK.  With  100 
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THE  RED  BOOK  OF  ANIMAL  STORIES. 

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MENTS. With  66  Illustrations.  Cr.  8vo.,  6s. 


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THE  HOUSE  OF  SURPRISES.    With  6 
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Praeger  (ROSAMOND). 

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BOLD  BABES:  HECTOR,  HONORIA  AND 
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tures. Oblong  4to.,  35.  6d. 

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Stevenson. — A  CHILD'S  GARDEN  OF 
VERSES.  By  ROBERT  Louis  STEVENSON. 
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Upton  (FLORENCE  K.  AND  BERTHA). 

THE  ADVENTURES  OF  Two  DUTCH 
DOLLS  AND  A  '  GOLLIWOGG'.  With  31 
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THE  GOLLIWOGG  IN  WAR.   With 
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tions  in  the  Text.     Oblong  4to.,  6s. 

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trations in  the  Text.  Oblong  4to.,  6s. 


MESSRS.  LONGMANS  &  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS.        27 


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Haggard's  (H.  R.)  Eric  Brighteyes.  With  51 
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Haggard's  (H.  R.)  Beatrice.  With  Frontispiece 
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Haggard  (H.  R.)  Heart  of  the  World.  With 
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Haggard's  (H.  R.)  Montezuma's  Daughter.  With 
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Haggard's  (H.  R.)  The  Witch's  Head.  With 
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Haggard's  (H.  R.)  Mr.  Meeson's  Will.  With 
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Haggard's  (H.  R.)  Nada  the  Lily.  With  23 
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Haggard's  (H.R.)  Dawn.  With  16  Illusts.  y.  6d. 

Haggard's  (H.  R.)  The  People  of  the  Mist.  With 
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Haggard's  (H.  R.)  Joan  Haste.  With  20  Illus- 
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Haggard  (H.  R.)  and  Lang's  (A.)  The  World's 
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Harte's  (Bret)  In  the  Carquinez  Woods  and 
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Helmholtz's  (Hermann  von)  Popular  Lectures 
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Hornung's  (E.  W.)  The  Unbidden  Guest,    y.  6d, 

Hewitt's  (W.)  Visits  to  Remarkable  Places. 
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Jefferies'  (R.)  Field  and  Hedgerow.  With 
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Jefferies'  (R.)  Red  Deer.  With  17  Illusts.   35.  6d. 

Jefferies'  (R.)  Wood  Magic:  a  Fable.  With 
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Jefferies  (R.)  The  Toilers  of  the  Field.  With 
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Knight's  (E.  F.)  Where  Three  Empires  Meet :  a 
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Knight's  (E.  F.)  The  '  Falcon '  on  the  Baltic :  a 
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Lang's  (A.)  Angling  Sketches.  With  20  Illustra- 
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Lang's  (A.)  Custom  and  Myth  :  Studies  of  Early 
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Lang's  (A.)Cock  Lane  and  Common-Sense.  y.  6d^ 

Lang's  (A,)  The  Book  of  Dreams  and  Ghosts. 
35.  6d. 


28        MESSRS.  LONGMANS  &  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS. 


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Lang's  (A.)  Myth, Ritual,  and  Religion.  2  vols.  7*. 
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1887,  A  Ramble  in  British  Columbia.     With 

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y.  6d. 
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each. 
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Macleod's  (H.  D.)  Elements  of  Banking.    35.  6d. 
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Proctor's  (R.  A.)  Nature  Studies.     y.  6d. 

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Rossetti's  (Maria  F.)  A  Shadow  of  Dante,  y.  6d. 

Smith's  (R.  Bosworth)  Carthage  and  the  Cartha- 
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Stanley's  (Bishop)  Familiar  History  of  Birds. 
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Stevenson  (R.  L.)  and  Osbourne's  (LI.)  The 
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Trevelyan's  (Sir  G.  0.)  The  Early  History  of 
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Wey man's  (Stanley  J.)  The  House  of  the 
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Wood's  (Rev.  J.  G.)  Strange  Dwellings.  With 
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Cookery,   Domestic 

Acton.  —  MODERN  COOKERY.  By 
ELIZA  ACTON.  With  150  Woodcuis.  Fcp. 
8vo.,  45.  6d. 

.Ashby. — HEALTH  IN  THE  NURZSRY. 
By  HENRY  ASHBY,  M.D.,  F.R.C.P.,  Physi- 
cian to  the  Manchester  Children's  Hospital, 
and  Lecturer  on  the  Diseases  of  Children  at 
the  Owens  College.  With  25  Illustrations. 
Crown  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

Buckton. — COMFORT  AND  CLEANLI- 
NESS :  The  Servant  and  Mistress  Question. 
By  Mrs.  CATHERINE  M.  BUCKTON.  With 
14  Illustrations.  Crown  Svo.,  2s. 

Bull  (THOMAS,  M.D.). 

HINTS  TO  MOTHERS  ON  THE  MAN- 
AGEMEA  TCi<-  THEIR  HEALTH  DURING  THE 
PERIOD  OF  PREGNANCY.  Fcp.  8vo.,  is.  6d. 

THE  MATERNAL  MANAGEMENT  OF 
CHILDREN  IN  HEALTH  AND  DISEASE. 
Fcp.  8vo.,  is.  6d. 

De  Salis  (MRS.). 

CAKES  AND  CONFECTIONS  A  LA 
MODE.  Fcp.  Svo.,  is.  bd. 


Management,   &e. 

De  Salis   (MRS.). — continued. 
DOGS:    A    Manual    for    Amateurs. 
Fcp.  8vo.,  is.  6d. 

DRESSED  GAME  AND  POULTRY  A  LA 
MODE.     Fcp.  8vo.,  is.  6d. 

DRESSED   VEGETABLES  A  LA  MODE. 

Fcp.  8vo.,  is   6d. 

DRINKS  "X  LA  MODE.  Fcp.  Svo. ,  is.6d. 
ENTREES  A  LA  MODE.     Fcp.  Svo., 

is.  6d. 
FLORAL  DECORATIONS.      Fcp.  8vo., 

is.  6d. 
GARDENING  A  LA  MODE.     Fcp.  Svo. 

Part    L,   Vegetables,    is.    6d.     Part   II., 

Fruits,  is.  6d. 
NATIONAL  VIANDS  A  LA  MODE.  Fcp. 

8vo.,  is.  6d. 

NEW-LAID  EGGS.     Fcp.  Svo.,  is.  6d. 
OYSTERS  A   LA   MODE.     Fcp.  Svo., 

is.  6d. 
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MODE.     Fcp.  8vo.,  is.  6d. 


MESSRS.  LONGMANS  &  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS.        29 


Cookery,  Domestic  Management,  &e. — continued. 


De  Sails   (MRS.) — continued. 


Poole. — COOKERY  FOR  THE  DIABETIC. 


SAVOURIES  A  LA  MODE.     Fcp.  8vo., 
is.6d, 

PUDDINGS  AND  PASTRY  A  LA  MODE.    Walker  QANE  H.). 
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MODE.     Fcp.  8vo.,  is.  6d. 

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COMES.    Fcp.  8vo.,  is.  6d. 

WRINKLES     AND      NOTIONS      FOR 

EVERY  HOUSEHOLD.     Crown  8vo. ,  is.  6d. 

Lear. — MAIGRE  COOKERY.    By  H.  L. 

SIDNEY  LEAR.     i6mo.,  2s. 
Mann. — MANUAL  OF  THE  PRINCIPLES- 
OF  PRACTICAL  COOKERY.     By  E.  E.  MANN. 
Crown  8vo.     is. 


By  W.  H.  and  Mrs.  POOLE.     With  Preface 
by  Dr.  PAVY.     Fcp.  8vo.,  25.  6d. 


A  BOOK  FOR  EVERY  WOMAN. 
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in  Health  and  out  of  Health.      Crown 

8vo.,  2s.  6d. 
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Armstrong. — Ess  A  YSAND  SKETCHES. 
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Bagehot. — LITERARY  STUDIES.  By 
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Baring-Gould. —  CURIOUS  MYTHS  OF 
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GOULD.  Crown  8vo.,  35.  6rf. 

Baynes.  - —  SHAKESPEARE    STUDIES, 

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AUTUMN  HOLIDAYS  OF  A  COUNTRY 
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COMMONPLACE  PHILOSOPHER.  Cr. 
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CRITICAL  ESSAYS  OF  A  COUNTRY 
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EAST  COAST  DAYS  AND  MEMORIES. 
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OUR  LITTLE  LIFE.  Two  Series. 
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OUR  HOMELY  COMEDY:  AND  TRA- 
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J\.ECREA  T IONS  OF  A  COUNTRY  PARSON. 
Three  Series.  Crown  8vo.,  35.  6d.  each.  , 


Butler  (SAMUEL). 
EREWHON.     Crown  8vo.,  55. 

THE  FAIR  HAVEN.  A  Work  in  De- 
fence of  the  Miraculou ;  Element  in  our 
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LIFE  AND  HABIT.  An  Essay  after  a 
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EVOLUTION,  OLD  AND  NEW.  Cr. 
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ALPS  AND  SANCTUARIES  OF  PIED- 
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Pott  4to.,  i  os.  6d. 

LUCK,  OR  CUNNING,  AS  THE  MAIN 
MEANS  OF  ORGANIC  MODIFICATION? 
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Ex  yd  TO.  An  Account  of  the  Sacro 
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marks on  Mr.  G.  J.  Romanes'  '  Mental 
Evolution  in  Animals,'  and  a  Psalm  of 
Montreal.  Crown  8vo.,  75.  6d. 

THE  AUTHORESS  OF  THE  ODYSSEY, 
WHERE  AND  WHEN  SHE  WROTE,  WHO 
SHE  WAS,  THE  USE  SHE  MADE  OF  THE 
ILIAD,  AND  HOW  THE  POEM  GREWUNDEP 
HER  HANDS.  With  14  Illustrations. 
Svo.,  IDS.  6d. 

THE  ILIAD  OF  HOMER.  Rendered 
into  English  Prose  for  the  use  of  those 
who  cannot  read  the  original.  Crown 
8vo.,  75.  6d. 

SHAKESPEARE'S  SONNETS.  Recon- 
sidered, and  in  part  Rearranged,  \vith 
Introductory  Chapters  and  a  Reprint  ot 
the  Original  1609  Edition.  Svo. 


30        MESSRS.   LONGMANS  &  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS. 


Miscellaneous  and   Critical  Works— continued. 


Calder. — ACCIDENT  IN  FACTORIES  : 
its  Distribution,  Causation,  Compensation, 
and  Prevention.  A  Practical  Guide  to  the 
Law  and  to  the  Safe- Guarding,  Sale- 
Working,  and  Safe-Construction  of  Factory 
Machinery,  Plant,  and  Premises.  With  20 
Tables  and  124  Illustrations.  By  JOHN 
CALDER. 

CHARITIES  REGISTER,  THE  ANNUAL, 
AND  DIGEST:  being  a  Classified  Register 
of  Charities  in  or  available  in  the  Metropolis. 
With  an  Introduction  by  C.  S.  LOCH,  Sec- 
retary to  the  Council  of  the  Charity  Organi- 
sation Society,  London.  8vo.,  45. 

Comparetti.  —  THE  TRADITIONA-L 
POETRY  OF  THE  FINNS.  By  DOMENICO 
COMPARETTI.  Translated  by  ISABELLA  M. 
ANDERTON.  With  Introduction  by  ANDREW 
LANG.  8vo.,  i6s. 

Evans. — THE  ANCIENT  STONE  IM- 
PLEMENTS, WEAPONS  AND  ORNAMENTS  OF 
GREAT  BRITAIN.  By  Sir  JOHN  EVANS, 
K.C.B.,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  F.R.S.,  etc. 
With  537  Illustrations.  Medium  8vo.,  285. 

Haggard.  —  A    FARMER'S     YEAR  : 

being  'his  Commonplace  Book  for  1898'. 
By  H.  RIDER  HAGGARD.  With  36  Illus- 
trations by  G.  LEON  LITTLE.  Crown  8vo., 
75.  6d.  net. 

Hamlin. — A  TEXT- BOOK  OF  THE 
HISTORY  OF  ARCHITECTURE.  By  A.  D.  F. 
HAMLIN,  A.M.  With  229  Illustrations. 
Crown  8vo.,  75.  6d. 

Haweis. — Music  AND  MORALS.    By 

the  Rev.  H.  R.  HAWEIS.  With  Portrait  of 
the  Author,  and  numerous  Illustrations, 
Facsimiles,  and  Diagrams.  Cr.  8vo.,  75.  6d. 

Hodgson. — OUTCAST  ESSAYS  AND 
VERSE  TRANSLATIONS.  By  SHADWORTH 
H.  HODGSON,  LL.D.  Crown  8vo.,  85.  6d. 

Hoenig.  —  INQUIRIES  CONCERNING 
THE  TACTICS  OF  THE  FUTURE.  Fourth 
Edition,  1894,  of  the  '  Two  Brigades'.  By 
FRITZ  HOENIG.  With  i  Sketch  in  the  Text 
and  5  Maps.  Translated  by  Captain  H.  M. 
BOWER.  8vo.,  155.  net. 

Hullah. — THE  HISTORY  OF  MODERN 
Music.  By  JOHN  HULLAH.  8vo.,  85.  6d. 

Jefferies  (RICHARD). 

FIELD  AND  HEDGEROW:  With  Por- 
trait. Crown  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

THE  STORY  OF  MY  HEART:  my 
Autobiography.  With  Portrait  and  New 
Preface  by  C.  J.  LONGMAN.  Cr.  8vo.,  35. 6d. 


Jefferies  (RICHARD) — continued. 

RED  DEER.  With  17  Illustrations. 
Crown  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

THE  TOILERS  OF  THE  FIELD.  With 
Portrait  from  the  Bust  in  Salisbury- 
Cathedral.  Crown  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

WOOD  MAGIC  :  a  Fable.  With  Fron- 
tispiece and  Vignette  by  E.  V.  B.  Crown 
8vo.,  35.  6d. 

Jekyll. —  WOOD  AND  GARDEN  :  Notes 
and  Thoughts,  Practical  and  Critical,  of  a 
Working  Amateur.  By  GERTRUDE  JEKYLL. 
With  71  Illustrations  from  Photographs  by 
the  Author.  8vo.,  105.  6d.  net. 

Johnson. — THE  PATENTEES  MAN- 
UAL i  a  Treatise  on  the  Law  and  Practice 
of  Letters  Patent.  By  J.  &  J.  H.JOHNSON, 
Patent  Agents,  etc.  8vo.,  IDS.  6d. 

Joyce. —  THE  ORIGIN  AND  HISTORY 
OF  IRISH  NAMES  OF  PLACES.  By  P.  W. 
JOYCE,  LL.D.  2  vols.  Crown  8vo.,  55.  each. 

Kingsley. — A  HISTORY  OF  FRENCH 
ART,  1100-1899.  By  ROSE  G.  KINGSLEY, 
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Lang  (ANDREW). 

LETTERS  TO  DEAD  AUTHORS.  Fcp. 
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OLD  FRIENDS.  Fcp.  8vo.,  is.  6d.  net. 

LETTERS  ON  LITERATURE.  Fcp. 
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ESSAYS  IN  LITTLE.  With  Portrait 
of  the  Author.  Crown  8vo.,  25.  6d. 

COCK  LANE  AND  COMMON-SENSE* 
Crown  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

THE  BOOK  OF  DREAMS  AND  GHOSTS. 
Crown  8vo.,  35.  td. 

Macfarren.  —  LECTURES  ON  HAR- 
MONY. By  Sir  GEORGE  A.  MACFARREN. 

8VO.,   125. 

Marquand  and  Frothingham.—  A 

TEXT-BOOK  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF  SCULP- 
TURE. By  ALLAN  MARQUAND,  Ph.D.,  and 
ARTHUR  L.  FROTHINGHAM,  Junr.,  Ph.D., 
Professors  of  Archaeology  and  the  History 
of  Art  in  Princetown  University.  With  113 
Illustrations.  Crown  8vo. ,  65. 


MESSRS.  LONGMANS  &  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS.         31 


Miscellaneous  and   Critical  Works — continued. 


Max  Miiller  (The  Right  Hon.  F.). 
INDIA  :    WHAT  CAN  IT  TEACH  Us  P 
Crown  8vo.,  55. 

CHIPS  FROM  A  GERMAN  WORKSHOP. 

Vol.  I.  Recent  Essays  and  Addresses. 
Crown  8vo.,  55. 

Vol.  II.  Biographical  Essays.  Crown 
8vo.,  55. 

Vol.  III.  Essays  on  Language  and  Litera- 
ture. Crown  8vo.,  55. 

Vol.  IV.  Essays  on  Mythology  and  Folk 
Lore.  Crown  8vo.,  55. 

CONTRIBUTIONS  TO  THE  SCIENCE  OP 

MYTHOLOGY.    2  vols.    8vo.,  325. 
Milner. — COUNTRY  PLEASURES  :  the 

Chronicle    of  a  Year    chiefly  in  a  Garden. 
By  GEORGE  MILNER.     Crown  8vo.,  35.  bd. 

Morris  (WILLIAM). 

SIGNS  OF  CHANGE.  Seven  Lectures 
delivered  on  various  Occasions.  Post 
8vo.,  45.  6d. 

HOPES  AND  FEARS  FOR  ART.  Five 
Lectures  delivered  in  Birmingham,  Lon- 
don, etc.,  in  1878-1881.  Cr  8vo.,  45.  6d. 

AN  ADDRESS  DELIVERED  AT  THE 
DISTRIBUTION  OF  PRIZES  TO  STUDENTS 
OF  THE  BIRMINGHAM  MUNICIPAL  SCHOOL 
OF  ART  ON  21  ST  FEBRUARY,  1894.  8vo., 
2S.  6d.  net. 

ART  AND  THE  BEAUTY  OF  THE 
EARTH:  a  Lecture  delivered  at  Burslem 
Town  Hall,  on  October  13,  1881.  8vo., 
2s.  6d.  net. 

SOME  HINTS  ON  PATTERN-DESIGN- 
ING :  a  Lecture  delivered  at  the  Working 
Men's  College,  London,  on  loth  Decem- 
ber, 1881.     8vo.,  25.  6d.  net. 
ARTS    AND    CRAFTS   ESSAYS.       By 
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Pollock. — JANE  AUSTEN:    her  Con- 
temporaries   and    Herself.      An   Essay   in 
Criticism.     By  WALTER  HERRIES  POLLOCK. 
Crown  8vo. 

Poore     (GEORGE     VIVIAN),      M.D., 
F.R.C.P. 
Ess  A  YS  ON  RURAL  HYGIENE.    With 

13  Illustrations.     Crown  8vo.,  6s.  6d. 
THE  DWELLING  HOUSE.     With  36 

Illustrations.     Crown  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

Richmond. — BOYHOOD  :    a  Plea  for 

Continuity  in  Education.     By  ENNIS  RICH- 
MOND.     Crown  8vo.,  25.  6d. 

Richter.  —  LECTURES  ON  THE  NA- 
TIONAL GALLERY.  By  J.  P.  RICHTER. 
With  20  Plates  and  7  Illustrations  in  the 
Text.  Crown  4to.,  95. 


Rossetti.  —  A  SHADOW  OF  DANTE: 
being  an  Essay  towards  studying  Himself, 
his  World  and  his  Pilgrimage.  By  MARIA 
FRANCESCA  ROSSETTI.  With  Frontispiece 
by  DANTE  GABRIEL  ROSSETTI.  Crown 
8vo.,  35.  6d. 

Shadwell.  —  THE  LONDON  WATER 
SUPPLY.  By  ARTHUR  SHADWELL,  M.A., 
M.B.  Oxon.,  Member  of  the  Royal  College 
of  Physicians.  Crown  8vo.,  55. 

Soulsby  (Lucv  H.  M.). 
STRAY     THOUGHTS     ON    READING. 

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Southey. — THE  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 
ROBER7  SOUTHEY  WITH  CAROLINE  BOWLES. 
Edited,  with  an  Introduction,  by  EDWARD 
DOWDEN,  LL.D.  8vo.,  145. 

Stevens. — ON  THE  STOWAGE  OF  SHIPS 
AND  THEIR  CARGOES.  With  Information  re- 
garding Freights,  Charter-Parties,  etc.  By 
ROBERT  WHITE  STEVENS,  Associate-Mem- 
ber of  the  Institute  of  Naval  Architects. 
8vo.,  2is. 

Turner  and  Sutherland. — THE  DE- 
VELOPMENT OF  AUSTRALIAN  LITERATURE. 
By  HENRY  GYLES  TURNER  and  ALEXANDER 
SUTHERLAND.  With  Portraits  and  Illustra- 
tions. Crown  8vo.,  55. 

Van  Dyke. — A  TEXT-BOOK  ON  THE 
HISTORY  OF  PAIATING.  By  JOHN  C.  VAN 
DYKE,  Professor  of  the  History  of  Art  in 
Rutgers  College,  U.S.  With  no  Illustra- 
tions. Crown  8vo,  65. 

Warwick. — PROGRESS  IN  WOMEN'S 
EDUCA  TION IN  THE  BRITISH  E MPIRE  :  bein g 
the  Report  of  Conferences  and  a  Congress 
held  in  connection  with  the  Educational 
Section,  Victorian  Era  Exhibition.  Edited 
by  the  COUNTESS  OF  WARWICK.  Cr.  8vo.  65. 

White. — AN  EXAMINATION  OF  THE 
CHARGE  OF  APOSTACY  AGAINST  WORDS- 
WORTH. By  W.  HALE  WHITE,  Editor  of 
the  '  Description  of  the  Wordsworth  and 
Coleridge  MSS.  in  the  Possession  of  Mr. 
T.  Norton  Longman  '.  Crown  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

Willard.  —  HISTORY  OF  MODERN 
ITALIAN  ART.  By  ASHTON  KOLLINS 
WILLARD.  With  Photogravure  Frontis- 
piece and  28  Full-page  Illustrations.  8vo., 
185.  net. 


32        MESSRS.  LONGMANS  &  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS. 


Miscellaneous  Theological  Works. 

%*  For  Church  of  England  and  Roman  Catholic  Works  see  MESSRS.  LONGMANS  &  Co.'s 

Special  Catalogues. 

Balfour.  --  THE  FOUNDATIONS  OF 
BELIEF  :  being  Notes  Introductory  to  the 
Study  of  Theology.  By  the  Right  Hon. 
ARTHUR  J.  BALFOUR,  M.P.  8vo.,  125.  6d. 


Boyd  (A.  K.  H.)     ('  A.K.H.B.'). 

COUNSEL  AND  COMFORT  FROM  A 
CITY  PULPIT.  Crown  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

SUNDAY  AFTERNOONS  IN  THE  PARISH 
CHURCH  OF  A  SCOTTISH  UNIVERSITY 
CITY.  Crown  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

CHANGED  ASPECTS  OF  UNCHANGED 
TRUTHS.  Crown  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

GRAVER  THOUGHTS  OF  A  COUNTRY 
PARSON.  Three  Series.  Crown  8vo., 
3s.  6d.  each. 

PRESENT  DAY  THOUGHTS.  Crown 
8vo.,  35.  6d. 

SEASIDE  MUSINGS.     Cr.  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

*  To  MEET  THE  DA  Y  '  through  the 
Christian  Year  :  being  a  Text  of  Scripture, 
with  an  Original  Meditation  and  a  Short 
Selection  in  Verse  for  Every  Day.  Crown 
8vo.,  45.  6d. 

Campbell. — RELIGION  IN  GREEK  LI- 
TERATURE. By  the  Rev.  LEWIS  CAMPBELL, 
M.A.,  LL.D.,  Emeritus  Professor  of  Greek, 
University  of  St.  Andrews.  8vo.,  155. 

Davidson. — THEISM,  as  Grounded  in 
Human  Nature,  Historically  and  Critically 
Handled.  Being  the  Burnett  Lectures 
for  1892  and  1893,  delivered  at  Aberdeen. 
By  W.  L.  DAVIDSON,  M.A.,  LL.D.  8vo.,  155. 

Gibson. —  THE  ABBE  DE  LAMENNAIS. 
AND  THE  LIBERAL  CATHOLIC  MOVEMENT 
IN  FRANCE.  By  the  Hon.  W.  GIBSON. 
With  Portrait.  8vo.,  125.  6d. 

Lang  (ANDREW). 
THE  MAKING  OF  RELIGION.  8vo.,  125. 

MODERN  MYTHOLOGY  :  a  Reply  to 
Professor  Max  Miiller.  8vo.,  95. 

MacDonald  (GEORGE). 

UNSPOKEN  SERMONS.    Three  Series. 

Crown  8vo.,  35.  6d.  each. 
THE    MIRACLES     OF    OUR     LORD. 

Crown  8vo.,  35.  6d. 
5000/11/99. 


Martineau  (]AMES). 

HOURS  OF  THOUGHT  ON  SACRED 
THINGS  :  Sermons,  2  vols.  Crown  Svo.,. 
35.  6d.  each. 

ENDEAVOURS  AFTER  THE  CHRISTIAN- 
LIFE.  Discourses.  Crown  8vo.,  75.  6d. 

THE  SEAT  OF  AUTHORITY  IN  RE- 
LIGION. 8vo.,  145. 

ESSAYS,  REVIEWS,  AND  ADDRESSES. 
4  Vols.  Crown  8vo.,  75.  6d.  each. 

HOME  PRAYERS,  with  Two  SERVICES 

for  Public  Worship.     Crown  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

Max  Miiller  (F.). 

THE  Six  SYSTEMS  OF  INDIAN 
PHILOSOPHY.  8vo.,  185. 

CONTRIBUTIONS  TO  THE  SCIENCE  OF 
MYTHOLOGY.  2  vols.  8vo.,  325. 

THE  ORIGIN  AND  GROWTH  OF  RELI- 
GION, as  illustrated  by  the  Religions  of 
India.  The  Hibbert  Lectures,  delivered 
at  the  Chapter  House,  Westminster 
Abbey,  in  1878.  Crown  8vo.,  55. 

INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  SCIENCE  OF 
RELIGION:  Four  Lectures  delivered  at  the 
Royal  Institution.  Crown  8vo.,  55. 

NATURAL  RELIGION.  The  Gifford 
Lectures,  delivered  before  the  University 
of  Glasgow  in  1888.  Crown  8vo.,  55. 

PHYSICAL  RELIGION.  The  Gifford 
Lectures,  delivered  before  the  University 
of  Glasgow  in  1890.  Crown  8vo.,  55. 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL  RELIGION.  The 
Gifford  Lectures,  delivered  before  the  Uni- 
versity of  Glasgow  in  1891.  Cr.  8vo.,  55. 

THEOSOPHY,  OR  PSYCHOLOGICAL  RE- 
LIGION. The  Gifford  Lectures,  delivered 
before  the  University  of  Glasgow  in  1892. 
Crown  8vo.,  55. 

THREE  LECTURES  ON  THE  VEDANTA 
PHILOSOPHY,  delivered  at  the  RoyaJ 
Institution  in  March,  1894.  8vo.,  55. 

R^AM A  KRISHNA  :  HlS  LlFE  AND  SAY- 
INGS. Crown  8vo.,  55. 

Romanes. —  THO  UGHTS  ON  RELIGION. 
By  GEORGE  J.  ROMANES,  LL.D.,  F.R.S. 
Crown  8vo.,  45.  6d. 

Vivekananda. —  YOGA  PHILOSOPHY: 

Lectures  delivered  in  New  York,  Winter  of 
i89s-96,  by  the  SWAMI  VIVEKANANDA, 
on  Raja  Yoga  ;  or,  Conquering  the  Internal 
Nature ;  also  Patanjali's  Yoga  Aphorisms, 
with  Commentaries.  Crown  8vo,  35.  6d. 

Williamson.  —  THE    GREA  T   LA  w  : 

A  Study  of  Religious  Origins  and  of  the 
Unity  underlying  them.  By  WILLIAM 
WILLIAMSON.  8vo.,  145. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 
BERKELEY 

Return  to  desk  from  which  borrowed. 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


7Jan'52L 


LD  21-95m-ll,'50(2877sl6)476 


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